A New Beginning - Our 1992 Russian Federation

Chapter Twenty Six: The Cowboy Standoff on the Red Planet (January - March 2006)
6A5B0098-FAE6-48F2-8A66-3234F724773F_w1071_s_d3.jpg

(Aftermath of the bombing which sparked the Iraqi Civil War)

The 2006 al-Askari Shrine bombing occurred on 22 February 2006 at approximately 6:44 a.m. local Iraqi time, and targeted the al-Askari Shrine in the city of Samarra, Iraq. The attack on the mosque, one of the holiest sites in Shia Islam, has not been claimed by any group; the then President of the United States, George W. Bush, claimed that the bombing was an al-Qaeda plot. Although the mosque was severely damaged from the blast, there were no casualties. The attack was followed by retaliatory violence, with over a hundred dead bodies being found the next day and well over 1,000 deaths in the days following the bombing; some counts place the death toll at over 1,000 on the first day alone. Already-prevalent communal violence between Iraqi Sunnis and Shia armed groups eventually escalated into a full-scale civil war. On February 22, 2006, at 6:44 a.m. (0344 UTC), explosions occurred at al-Askari Mosque, effectively destroying its golden dome and severely damaging the mosque. Several men wearing military uniforms, had earlier entered the mosque, tied up the guards there and set explosives, resulting in the blast. Two bombs were set off nby five to seven men dressed as personnel of the Iraqi special forces who entered the shrine during the morning. No injuries were reported following the bombing. However, the northern wall of the shrine was damaged by the bombs, causing the dome to collapse and destroying three-quarters of the structure along with it. Following the blast, American and Iraqi forces surrounded the shrine and began searching houses in the area. Five police officers responsible for protecting the mosque were taken into custody. The dome had been repaired by April 2009 and the shrine reopened to visitors.

Although Al-Qaeda in Iraq denied any involvement in statements released, in June 2006, it was reported that Iraqi commandos and troops had captured and seriously wounded Yousri Fakher Mohammed Ali, a Tunisian also known as Abu Qudama al-Tunesi, after he and 15 other foreign fighters stormed an Iraqi checkpoint 25 miles north of Baghdad, according to Iraqi National Security Adviser Mouwafak al-Rubaie. Abu Qudama confessed to taking part in the attack on al-Askari mosque in Samarra and gave a detailed account of how the attack took place. Al-Rubaie said Iraqi security forces had yet to capture the mastermind of the mosque attack, Haitham al-Badri, an Iraqi and leader of one of Al Qaeda in Iraq's cells, who was later killed in an airstrike on August 2, 2007. Al-Rubaie said al-Badri, Abu Qudama, four Saudi nationals and two other Iraqis stormed the mosque Feb. 21, rounded up the shrine's guards, members of Iraq's Facility Protection Service, and bound their hands. The group then spent the rest of the night rigging the mosque with bombs. At dawn the next day, they detonated the explosives, bringing down the dome. In an August 2006 press conference U.S. President George W. Bush stated "it's pretty clear – at least the evidence indicates – that the bombing of the shrine was an Al Qaida plot, all intending to create sectarian violence." In May 2007, also 'Iraqi officials' blamed Al Qaeda of the attack. A 2004 letter attributed to Abu Musab al-Zarqawi by US occupation forces accused him of attempting to incite a "civil war" between Iraq's Shiites and Sunnis. US military claimed that the letter was purportedly captured from an alleged "al Qaeda courier" in January 2004. In September 2006, Iraqi officials announced the capture of Hamid Juma Faris Jouri al-Saeedi in connection with the bombing, allegedly done on his orders by Haitham al-Badri. Al-Badri was killed in August 2007.

Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad blamed the United States and Israel for the attack. He claimed that "these heinous acts are committed by a group of Zionists and occupiers that have failed." He warned, amid a crowd of protesters, that the United States would "not be saved from the wrath and power of the justice-seeking nations" by resorting to bombings like the one that occurred at Al Askari Mosque. According to Alertnet, Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, speaking from the Lebanese capital, Beirut, echoed the opinions of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and accused the United States of attacking the shrine to cause tension between the Sunnis and Shi'ites in the Middle East. As a result of the bombing, there was widespread violence throughout Iraq. According to the Sunni Clerical Association of Muslim Scholars, 168 mosques were attacked in the two days following the bombing, while ten imams were murdered and fifteen others kidnapped.The Shi'ite controlled Interior Ministry said it could only confirm figures for Baghdad, where it had reports of 19 mosques attacked, one cleric killed and one abducted. The normal daily patrols of US coalition forces and Iraqi security forces were temporarily suspended in Baghdad during the few days following the bombing. Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari has urged Iraqis to stay unified and peaceful, saying the attack was an effort to incite violence. He has also called for three days of national mourning. However, talks between him and a prominent Sunni Muslim group are put on hold as the Sunni Iraqi Accord Front quits discussions on forming a new government due to the recent violence. At the same time, a government organization called the Sunni Endowments that maintains Sunni mosques and shrines condemned the attack. On Feb 25, al-Jaafari blamed terrorists for the crisis: "The Iraqi people have one enemy; it is terrorism and only terrorism. ... There are no Sunnis against Shiites or Shiites against Sunnis."

Despite the Sunni boycott, President Jalal Talabani pressed ahead with a meeting that he had called to avert a descent toward a civil war. After discussions with Shiites, Kurds and leaders of a smaller Sunni group, he warned about the danger of all-out war. The government is extending a curfew it imposed in parts of the country on Friday to calm tensions sparked by an attack on a Shia shrine. Iraqi defence minister Saadoun al-Dulaimi warned about the danger of a long civil war. Also, he said that Iraq would not hesitate to dispatch tanks to the streets to end violence and impose security. The minister also denied any involvement by what he called Interior Ministry commandos in the attack that targeted Harith Sulayman al-Dari, leader of the Association of Muslim Scholars. Sunni and Shiite clerics in Iraq have agreed to prohibit killings and to ban attacks on each other's mosques in an effort to ease sectarian violence. Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani sent instructions to his followers forbidding attacks on Sunni mosques, especially the major ones in Baghdad, and calling for seven days of mourning. He hinted that religious militias could be given a bigger security role if the government was incapable of protecting holy shrines. On February 25 Sistani called for Iraq's powerful tribes to be deployed to protect the country's holy places after three attacks on Shia shrines in four days: "Ayatollah Sistani, who received a tribal delegation from Kufa, asked that the Iraqi tribes reclaim their role of protecting the shrines," said an official in Sistani's office in the Shia clerical center of Najaf. ... After the crimes against the places of worship, including the blowing up of the mausoleum in Samarra and the attacks against the tombs of Salman the Persian and Imam Ali bin Mussa al-Rida, the tribes must take a stand and claim a role in the protection of these sites."

Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr condemned the attack and called for calm. Having called to stop mutual attacks, Sadr ordered members of his militia to protect Sunni mosques in majority Shia areas in southern Iraq. Sadr called for Iraqi unity and warned against "a plan by the occupation to spark a sectarian war". He called on Sunni groups such as the Association of Muslim Scholars to form a joint panel and ordered his militia to defend Shiite holy sites across Iraq. On February 25 Sunni and Shiite clerics agreed to prohibit killing members of the two sects and banning attacks on each other's mosques in an effort to ease tension between Iraq's Muslim communities following sectarian violence after the bombing of a Shi'ite shrine. The agreement was made during a meeting between representatives of Sadr and Shiite cleric Jawad al-Khalisi and members of the influential Sunni Association of Muslim Scholars at the Abu Hanifa Mosque, a Sunni place of worship. According to Juan Cole, three Iraqi clerics all employed their influence and authority among the Shiite rank and file to make the Samarra bombing work for them politically. Sistani expanded his militia and stayed at the forefront of the movement by encouraging peaceful rallies. Abdul Aziz al-Hakim used the explosion in Samarra to bolster his own authority. He remonstrated with the American ambassador, saying it was not reasonable to expect the religious Shiites, who won the largest bloc of seats in parliament, to give up their claim on the ministry of interior, and that, indeed, Khalilzad had helped provoke the troubles with his assertions to that effect earlier. Muqtada al-Sadr used the incident to push for a U.S. withdrawal from Iraq, something he has wanted since the fall of Saddam.

copy-sergei-mamontov-ria-novosti-yqyup242-1642862161.jpg


The creation of the United Aircraft Corporation (UAC) in February 2006 represented a transformative step towards expanding the Russia's aerospace sector. With President Alexandr Lukashenko's visionary leadership, Russia embarked on an ambitious mission to consolidate its aerospace assets into a single entity, heralding a new era of innovation, collaboration, and global competitiveness. The formation of the UAC was not merely a merger of companies; it was a strategic realignment aimed at optimizing resources, streamlining operations, and fostering synergy among Russia's leading aerospace manufacturers. By bringing together renowned entities such as Ilyushin, Irkut, Mikoyan, Sukhoi, Tupolev, and Yakovlev under one umbrella, the UAC unlocked unprecedented potential for collaboration and innovation. At its core, the UAC embodied Russia's commitment to reclaiming its status as a preeminent player in the global aviation industry. Drawing upon the rich legacy of Russian aviation excellence, the corporation embarked on a journey of modernization and reinvention, leveraging cutting-edge technologies and engineering prowess to develop next-generation aircraft that would set new standards in performance, reliability, and efficiency. The UAC's diverse portfolio encompassed a wide range of aircraft, spanning military fighters, commercial airliners, cargo planes, and specialized aerospace vehicles. This comprehensive offering positioned Russia as a one-stop solution provider for domestic and international markets, catering to the evolving needs of both civilian and defense sectors with innovative and cost-effective solutions.

Under the UAC's stewardship, collaborative ventures flourished, transcending traditional boundaries and fostering unprecedented levels of cooperation among formerly independent entities. Joint research and development initiatives, technology transfers, and knowledge sharing initiatives propelled the Russian aerospace industry to new heights of excellence, driving innovation and pushing the boundaries of what was thought possible in aviation. Moreover, the UAC served as a catalyst for international partnerships and diplomatic engagements, forging strategic alliances with leading aerospace firms and governments around the world. Through joint ventures, co-production agreements, and collaborative research programs, Russia expanded its global footprint and solidified its position as a trusted partner in aerospace innovation. As Russia embraced its role as a global leader in aerospace technology, the UAC emerged as a beacon of excellence and innovation, symbolizing the nation's unwavering commitment to advancing the frontiers of aviation. With a focus on quality, reliability, and technological prowess, the UAC paved the way for a future where Russian aircraft would soar to new heights, leaving an indelible mark on the history of aviation and reaffirming Russia's place as a formidable force in the aerospace industry.

DeDrH7OVAAAL6vm.jpg

(NASA's Phoenix Mars Lander helped answer the question whether there was water on Mars)

In March 2006, the Phoenix spacecraft, a marvel of modern engineering and scientific exploration, successfully landed on the surface of Mars, marking a historic milestone in humanity's quest to unravel the mysteries of the Red Planet. Guided by the collective efforts of scientists, engineers, and space enthusiasts around the globe, Phoenix embarked on a daring journey to uncover the secrets hidden beneath the Martian soil and pave the way for future exploration. Equipped with a suite of advanced instruments and cutting-edge technology, Phoenix was specifically designed to investigate the habitability of Mars and delve into its intriguing geological history, with a particular focus on the presence of water—a vital ingredient for life as we know it. As the spacecraft gracefully touched down on the Martian surface, it heralded the beginning of a groundbreaking scientific endeavor that would captivate the imagination of people worldwide.

One of Phoenix's primary objectives was to assess the local habitability of its landing site, a vast region near the planet's north pole known as the Martian arctic. With its robotic arm and sophisticated onboard instruments, including a descent camera, stereo camera, and weather station, Phoenix meticulously surveyed its surroundings, analyzing soil composition, atmospheric conditions, and temperature variations to determine the planet's potential to support life. Over the course of its mission, Phoenix conducted a series of groundbreaking experiments, each yielding valuable insights into Mars' geological and environmental conditions. The spacecraft's robotic arm, equipped with a scoop and sample collection tools, dug into the Martian regolith, extracting samples for detailed analysis. By studying the chemical composition of the soil and ice deposits, scientists gained unprecedented insights into the history of water on Mars, unraveling clues about the planet's past climate and hydrological processes.

One of Phoenix's most remarkable discoveries came in the form of water ice just below the surface, confirming the presence of this crucial resource and fueling speculation about the possibility of liquid water existing on Mars. Images captured by the spacecraft's cameras revealed intricate patterns of frost and ice formations, painting a vivid picture of the dynamic and ever-changing Martian landscape. In addition to its scientific investigations, Phoenix served as a platform for testing new technologies and operational techniques essential for future Mars missions. From autonomous navigation to sample analysis and communication protocols, the spacecraft pushed the boundaries of what was thought possible, paving the way for more ambitious endeavors in the years to come. As Phoenix beamed back breathtaking images and invaluable data from the Martian surface, it captured the imagination of people worldwide, igniting a renewed sense of wonder and curiosity about the mysteries of our neighboring planet. Its successful mission underscored the power of human ingenuity and collaboration in unlocking the secrets of the cosmos and laid the groundwork for the next chapter in humanity's ongoing exploration of the Red Planet.

Russia-Mars-lander.jpg

(The successful landing of Aurora was a historic moment for Russian space programme, as with the landing, Russia reclaimed its position lost after the fall of USSR)

Two weeks after the successful landing of NASA's Phoenix spacecraft near the Martian north pole in March 2006, history was made once again as the Russian Martian rover, Aurora, touched down on the opposite pole of the Red Planet. This momentous event marked a significant milestone for Roscosmos, the Russian space agency, as it represented their first successful landing on Mars since the Soviet Phobos 2 mission in 1988. Aurora's arrival on the Martian surface sparked a wave of excitement and anticipation among scientists and space enthusiasts worldwide. Equipped with advanced instruments and cutting-edge technology, Aurora was poised to embark on a groundbreaking mission to explore the uncharted terrain of the Martian south pole. Its primary objectives included conducting geological surveys, analyzing surface composition, and searching for evidence of past water activity. The landing site for Aurora was carefully selected to maximize scientific discovery and enhance our understanding of Mars' geological history. Situated within the expansive polar region, Aurora's location offered unique insights into the planet's climatic variations and potential habitability. The rover's mission was not only to uncover the secrets of Mars but also to pave the way for future human exploration of the Red Planet.

As Aurora descended onto the Martian surface, its sophisticated landing system executed flawlessly, gently setting the rover down amidst the frozen landscape. Upon touchdown, Aurora immediately began transmitting data back to mission control, providing real-time updates on its status and surroundings. The images and information captured by Aurora's onboard cameras and scientific instruments promised to revolutionize our knowledge of Mars and its potential to support life. In the days and weeks following its landing, Aurora commenced its scientific investigations with precision and diligence. The rover traversed the rugged terrain, collecting samples and analyzing rock formations to unravel the mysteries of Mars' past. Its instruments delved into the planet's geology, atmosphere, and climate, painting a comprehensive picture of this enigmatic world. One of Aurora's key discoveries was the presence of subsurface ice deposits, confirming long-held theories about the existence of water on Mars. These findings had profound implications for our understanding of Martian history and the possibility of life beyond Earth. Additionally, Aurora's observations provided valuable data for future missions and informed plans for human colonization of Mars. As Aurora continued to explore the Martian landscape, it captured the imagination of people around the globe, inspiring generations to dream of interplanetary exploration and discovery. The successful mission of Aurora underscored Russia's role as a leading force in space exploration and reaffirmed humanity's collective endeavor to unlock the secrets of the cosmos.

fho3j7vwuay0icm.jpeg

(The successful landings of American and Russian Mars rovers would reignite the Cold War Space Race)

The successful Mars missions conducted by both Russia and the United States in March 2006 marked the dawn of a new era in space exploration, igniting a renewed spirit of competition and cooperation between the two global powers. Against the backdrop of geopolitical tensions and rivalries, these landmark achievements symbolized the beginning of a new space race, reminiscent of the Cold War era but with a modern twist. In the aftermath of the Cold War, space exploration had become a symbol of national pride and technological prowess for both Russia and the United States. With each nation vying for supremacy in the realm of outer space, the race to reach Mars represented the next frontier in their quest for scientific dominance. The successful landing of NASA's Phoenix spacecraft near the Martian north pole and the arrival of Roscosmos Aurora rover on the opposite pole sent shockwaves through the global space community. These missions not only demonstrated the technological capabilities of both resurgent nations but also showcased their unwavering commitment to pushing the boundaries of human exploration. However, beneath the surface of scientific achievement lurked a deeper undercurrent of geopolitical rivalry. At the time of the Mars missions, the resurgent Russia and the United States were locked in a complex web of political tensions and strategic rivalries, fueled by conflicting interests and ideologies.

For Russia, the success of the Aurora mission represented a triumph over adversity, a defiant assertion of its status as a spacefaring nation despite the challenges it faced on the geopolitical stage. Against the backdrop of strained relations with the West, resurgent Russia's foray into Martian exploration served as a potent symbol of its resilience and determination to maintain its position as a global space power. Similarly, for the United States, the successful landing of the Phoenix spacecraft underscored its continued leadership in space exploration and technological innovation. In the face of growing competition from emerging spacefaring nations and geopolitical adversaries, the Mars mission reaffirmed America's commitment to maintaining its preeminence in the final frontier. The convergence of these two historic missions on the Red Planet set the stage for a new chapter in the space race, characterized by a delicate balance of competition and cooperation. While the rivalry between the resurgent Russia and the United States remained palpable, there were also signs of collaboration and mutual respect as both nations recognized the shared goals and aspirations driving their respective space programs. As the dust settled on the Martian surface and the data began to pour in from Phoenix and Aurora, scientists and policymakers around the world watched with bated breath, eager to unlock the secrets of the Red Planet. The success of these missions served as a powerful reminder of the boundless potential of human ingenuity and the enduring spirit of exploration that transcended national boundaries and political differences. In the years that followed, the Mars missions of 2006 would be remembered as a turning point in the history of space exploration, marking the beginning of a new era of discovery and collaboration in the vast expanse of the cosmos. As humanity set its sights on the stars, the rivalry between nations would continue to drive innovation and progress, propelling us ever closer to the realization of human cosmic aspirations.
 
1. Please write down, how should the Russian government deal with reignited Space Race against the USA?

2. As Russia earns hundreds of billions of dollars thanks to ongoing commodities boom, many new projects could be financed by the Russian government. Please write down your propositions for Russian economic/industrial/infrastructure megaprojects.
 
I have to wonder if this would lead to a larger space infrastructure along with what changes to technology this new space race might bring. Overall a great turn as well.
 
I have to wonder if this would lead to a larger space infrastructure along with what changes to technology this new space race might bring. Overall a great turn as well.
Who knows, but the space exploration from now on will play much larger part in the game as in the past.
 
Please write down, how should the Russian government deal with reignited Space Race against the USA?
Try to avoid falling behind like we did in the last space race. If possible spend a much larger amount of our budget into the space race and if possible try to get a man up there and even into the moon as a way to dunk on the US and to make up for our failure to send a man to the moon. With the US distracted in the Middle East we should be more able to finance the space race rather than spending more in the military which currently is not doing much.
As Russia earns hundreds of billions of dollars thanks to ongoing commodities boom, many new projects could be financed by the Russian government. Please write down your propositions for Russian economic/industrial/infrastructure megaprojects.
Upgrade the Trans-Siberian railway if possible to further increase our trade with East Asia. Try to finance out own nuclear power to French levels while we can to avoid being to dependent on fossil fuels and to allow ourselves to become major drivers into clean energy. Allow a greater degree of freedom when it comes to genetic engineering and testing in the hopes of gaining an edge in terms of GMOs and other major genetic breakthroughs. Try to corner the market within said genetic engineering field so we can be superior than the US and the other nations in the world.
 
1) a respectable amount of money for space, not too much though, affairs on Earth are more important than space
2) I agree with the Trans-Siberian Railroad and nuclear power projects, I would also spend money on increasing autarky, Russifying minorities, increasing the Slavic (not Muslim or 3rd-worlder) birthrate, building Orthodox churches, and eliminating anti-Russian (liberal, Western, anti-Christian, antinatalist) ideas in the culture
 
1) Focus on a moon base as our space race project, with a project layout similar to OTL Project Artemis in the United States, focusing on establishing a human presence on the moon to make further space exploration/colonization efforts easier.

2) Upgrade the Trans-Siberian Railway, looking towards certain stretches being High Speed Rail, or electrifying the remainder of the railways. Also spending money on nuclear energy.
 
1 - With the reactivation of the space race, it would be a good time to review old plans, discarded due to lack of budget during the turbulent years of the early 90s, updating those that are viable to modern technology.
Promote the feeling of conquest of space from the Soviet era, but instead of political and propaganda purposes, for scientific and technological development purposes.
Initiate new plans and prototypes of new rockets, satellites... with the aim of establishing a permanent or semi-permanent scientific base on the moon by the end of the first third of the 21st century.
Try to recruit national and international talents, taking advantage of the fact that at this time, the USA and the other Western powers are distracted by the war and instability in the Middle East.

2 - With this extraordinary influx of income, it would be good to diversify its use, investing both internally and externally.
Internally:
-Reduce the level of Russian debt with foreign creditors, in order to reduce its ability to influence Russian politics.
-We provide loans, subsidies and other financial aid to Russian companies and entrepreneurs, in order to improve existing ones and create new ones.
-Encourage the creation of an industry that transforms these raw materials into other processed or semi-processed materials, to increase their value, and prevent a drop in prices from seriously affecting the union's economy.
-Improvement and expansion of infrastructure, mainly in Arctic areas, Siberia... and others that are difficult to access, guaranteeing the arrival of the internet among other things.
-Improve and expand university resources, managing to increase their prestige and excellence at a national and international level.
-Start the creation of the Russian High Speed on the railway, starting by creating a section that links Saint Petersburg, Moscow and Minsk, later being expanded to more regions.

Externally:
-Subvertently and little by little, acquire national debt from nations with which we compete (mainly the USA, but also from nations like Poland), in such a way that it can be used in future negotiations.
-Acquire national debt from nations in Africa, Asia, and South and Central America, in order to solidify Russian influence in them and obtain soft power.
-Create a Russian investment bank, whose main task would be to offer cheap loans to African and Asian companies... and acquire percentages of them in order to help their development and strengthen Russian investments.
-Invest in BRICS nations, not only at the business level, but also educational, infrastructure, technological... making Russian the lingua franca in their dealings in the future.
 
Honestly, I'm for a (Russian-led) Technocratic Eurasia as we're in the digital eta.
I mean there is a problem with that, in that if we push for logic and technical skill a lot of their own ideology is going to paint their decision making. I mean China in many ways is a technocratic state and its not that well known for its decision making.
 
Ethno-culturally united societies function better than ethno-culturally diverse societies, other things being equal. If we can Russify minorities then there's fewer openings into which anti-Russian subversives can hammer wedges like they did last time
The hard part is that Russia is a multicultural state already. Trying to turn into a single culture would not only cause massive blowback from the minorities but from our people who have become increasingly used to freedom and democracy. At this point I would say the most we can do is move towards assimilation in terms of culture, since it would get the least blowback and it would be much easier to do so.
 
I mean there is a problem with that, in that if we push for logic and technical skill a lot of their own ideology is going to paint their decision making. I mean China in many ways is a technocratic state and its not that well known for its decision making.
True but it would be interesting.
Ethno-culturally united societies function better than ethno-culturally diverse societies, other things being equal. If we can Russify minorities then there's fewer openings into which anti-Russian subversives can hammer wedges like they did last time
Pretty much the same reason as @Fratsup as we're democratic.
 
The hard part is that Russia is a multicultural state already. Trying to turn into a single culture would not only cause massive blowback from the minorities but from our people who have become increasingly used to freedom and democracy. At this point I would say the most we can do is move towards assimilation in terms of culture, since it would get the least blowback and it would be much easier to do so.
That's what I'm saying, assimilate minorities into main Russian culture. Granted, Russia does have more experience being a multiethnic empire at home than most European states, but ethnically diverse democracy is almost never a good idea (perhaps one reason autocracy is as embedded as it is in Russia's cultural DNA, to manage the various subject peoples)
Pretty much the same reason as @Fratsup as we're democratic.
That just makes multiculturalism a greater liability
 
Top