Indonesia ATL: The Presidency of Try Sutrisno (1997-)

158: The 2002 ABRI National Leadership Meeting Part I
17th February 2002:
The dresscode that night was batik as ABRI’s most high-ranked and senior officers as well active along with their wives gathered at the Cipanas Presidential Palace. The ABRI National Leadership Meeting was not due to start until tomorrow but the welcome dinner was held that night with the food preparation personally overseen by First Lady Tuti Setiawati.

President Try Sutrisno took to the microphone and delivered an impromptu speech to welcome his guests.

“I would like all of us here to contemplate the opportunity that our nation has at the moment. We have survived the Asian Financial Crisis and weathered the international downturn last year where other nations have struggled. And where other nations have had some of their progress wiped out, the progress which we have made, especially over the last 30 years, is still largely intact. Where others are rebuilding, we have the opportunity to build upon pas progress. I hope that our nation will realize this and I hope that ABRI, above all, will realize this.”

18th February 2002:
The ABRI National Leadership Meeting began this morning at the Cipanas Presidential Palace, the officers having gone back to their hotels and inns around Cipanas and then gathering again in the morning. Flanked by Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar and Commander of ABRI Wiranto, the President hit the gong to declare the ABRI National Leadership officially open.

After that the President went to the Cipanas Presidential Palace to work with State Secretary Edi Sudrajat explaining that the President would just like to be in the midst of his officers as they discuss matters important for ABRI.

The first issue discussed was sensitive enough that it became the first item on the National Leadership agenda: ABRI’s commercial interests.

The agenda had called for a discussion about the possibility of ABRI’s “possible relinquishing” of commercial interests. The immediate reaction of a majority of those present, holding commands over the nation’s largest military units, was to call for ABRI Headquarters to bear in mind the welfare of the soldiers and that whatever commercial activities undertaken was for the interest of the soldiers.

The Functional Assistant at ABRI Headquarters Saurip Kadi took a strong stance saying that with the government’s defense spending on the increase, eventually there is no reason for ABRI to hold on or to have commercial interests. Furthermore, Saurip argued, the less time ABRI personnel and units spent on commercial interests, the more it could improve its professional capability. There were mutterings in the room that Saurip had “not commanded field units in far too long” and that he had spent “ too much time with Agus Wirahadikusumah”.

There were more mutterings in the room against this idea. It was ABRI Chief of General Staff Djaja Suparman who said that while he agrees defense spending is on the increase, until this has reached the optimum level, some toleration must be shown to ventures designed to supplement the budget and increase the welfare of the soldiers.

What got a lot of attention were the comments of the Inspector General of ABRI Ryamizard Ryacudu. Ryamizard said that he was all in favor of improving the welfare of the soldiers and that if these commercial interests were the way to that then so be it. The muttering and grumbling stopped, the President’s son-in-law seemed to have understood that the various command units needed to supplement the official budget by engaging in commercial activities. But Ryamizard was not finished.

“I think the choice for ABRI is not between letting go of commercial interests or not letting go of commercial interests, I think the choice is between letting go of commercial interests or becoming more accountable and transparent”, Ryamizard continued “Accountable means money coming out, money coming in, which money goes in whose pockets for what purpose and for what reason must be accounted. Transparent means every commercial venture whether by military foundations, military cooperatives or whatever that’s related to the military, all of this must be declared and known by ABRI Headquarters and must be subject to both internal and external auditing.

If the purpose of the commercial interests is for the welfare of the soldiers, then accountability and transparency should be no problem.”

---
The President had lunch with Wismoyo Arismunandar and Wiranto, the latter two talking about the discussions that were taking place that morning. The President chuckled to himself hearing his son-in-law proposing a couple of difficult choices for the officer corps.

“Long term, if your plans for defense are any indication, Mr. President, the businesses would have to go” said Wiranto “There will come a time where there’s simply no reason for it.”

“In the meanwhile, if we get them to move on accountability and transparency, that would already be a big deal”, said Wismoyo.

---
The next item on the agenda, coming after lunch was ABRI’s political stance on various issues of which two notable issues were discussed.

The Extreme Right:
Chairman of BP-7 Agus Widjojo, attending the meeting because he is still an active officer, said that events in recent years and most recently the events of New York City, Washington DC, and Chicago show that the Extreme Right is a clear and present danger both inside and outside of Indonesia. Agus said that the nation’s awareness of the Extreme Left is something that is difficult to improve upon, but that awareness of the Extreme Right should also be built. He called on ABRI to be at the forefront of this campaign against the Extreme Right, ending his speech by saying that those who want to replace Pancasila with Sharia Law are just as bad as those who want to replace Pancasila with communism.

PKPI/PPP Coalition:
Deputy Army Chief of Staff Prijanto acting as a spokesperson to the regional military commanders said that in the aftermath of the PKPI/PPP coalition, the question is how to approach this coalition. ABRI Headquarters stated that ABRI members in the DPR and the DPRDs are in cooperation with the PKPI and the PPP but does cooperation with the two parties also mean a coalition with them since all three will be voting the same way?

The Leader of ABRI in the DPR Fachrul Rozi took up the question. He explained that first of all ABRI members in the DPR and the DPRDs have no obligation to the PKPI/PPP Coalition. It may be the case that ABRI supported Golkar in the past a result of President Soeharto’s urging in 1980 that ABRI “take sides” but Golkar no longer exists so the state of affairs where ABRI supported Golkar is finished. At the present, Fachrul concluded, there’s no automatic coalition between ABRI and the PKPI and the PPP unless the President has specifically instructed it or ordered it.

ABRI Chief of the Socio-Political Affairs Staff Djamari Chaniago said that for the moment, the President and the Commander of ABRI’s orders are for ABRI to formulate a stance that ABRI can get behind and support.

A lot of brainstorming followed. The breakthrough was made by Vice Chairman of the DPR Hari Sabarno who argued that the starting point should not be whether or not ABRI should get in a coalition, the starting point should be that the President is the constitutional Supreme Commander of ABRI. If ABRI supported the PKPI it would be because this reflected the President’s political inclinations of believing in a coalition between the PKPI/PPP.

The meeting agreed with this but then the question remained: coalition or no coalition?

The Commander of the Central Java Regional Military Command Tri Tamtomo favored a coalition saying that in Central Java it’s a battlefield between the PKPI/PPP Coalition and the PKPB in the Central Java DPRD and that’s before taking the PNI into the equation. A coalition will help in governing “arrangements” between ABRI and the PKPI/PPP Coalition.

Having kept silent for most of the day, Governor of Lemhanas Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono spoke up saying that it was enough for ABRI to support the PKPI/PPP Coalition based on the fact that this was the President’s political inclination. When asked why, Yudhoyono became hesitant to give an answer. In the room, there were more officers who were in favor of merely supporting rather than getting into a coalition with the PKPI and the PPP but all were hesitant to give a clear answer.

It finally fell to Saurip Kadi to speak out again, telling the meeting why it was enough for ABRI to support the PKPI/PPP Coalition rather than be a part of it.

Silence descended on the meeting and the talks became deadlocked. The meeting finally resolved that the matter of whether to support or join the PKPI/PPP should be left to the President.

---
When the officers had gone home to their hotels at night, Wiranto visited the President at the Cipanas Presidential Palace. The President and Edi listened intently as Wiranto reported about the discussions regarding ABRI’s political stance on various issues including whether or not ABRI should join the PKPI/PPP Coalition.

“And why did Saurip say that it’s best for ABRI to simply support the PKPI and the PPP rather than join with them in a coalition?” asked the President.

“Two reasons, Mr. President”, replied Wiranto “First, if we enter into a coalition with the PKPI and the PPP, this would be contradictory to the consensus of the officer corps which was that ABRI should stay neutral at the 2002 Elections. How can ABRI be neutral when we’re in coalition with not one, but two of the participants in the election?”

The President nodded and then waited an inordinate amount of time for Wiranto to continue.

“You said there was a second reason, General”, replied Edi impatiently.

“The second reason is because it would be awkward with your successor if we were still in coalition with the two political parties supporting you in the event that…” and Wiranto paused “In the event that the presidency changes hands at the 2003 MPR General Session.”

“I see”, said the President.

“There is also the argument that in the event of the presidency changing hands, we have to simply shift our support from the PKPI and the PPP to the PKPB…” said Wiranto before Edi cut him off.

“You were talking about the possibility of the President…” began Edi angrily.

“Calm down, Mr. State Secretary”, said the President before he turned to Wiranto “That’ll be all for today, we have a big day tomorrow.”

Wiranto stood up and saluted the President before turning around to leave. When Wiranto left, the President turned to Edi.

“You too, it’s another long day tomorrow”, the President said.

That night from his pavilion at the Cipanas Presidential Palace, Edi called Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas who was in Jakarta. Edi told what happened and Harsudiono laughed at it.

“They’re talking about the possibility of Try losing and you’re laughing, that’s great, real grea” said Edi.

“Saurip was one of my staff members back when I was ABRI Chief of the Socio-Political Affairs Staff so he might’ve picked up something from me as far as speaking bluntly is concerned”, apologized Harsudiono “But as far as what those officers were discussing, we have to play fair…Try has to play fair.”

“How so?” asked Edi.

“History shows that the night Soeharto died and Try became president, the first ABRI officer to declare his support for Try and start asking units to support him was Wiranto and we can’t take that away from him”, said Harsudiono “Feisal was the Commander of ABRI at the time, Prabowo was the Commander of Kopassus at the time, they seemed more concerned about what this meant for the people they want to support as president rather than declaring their support for Try.”

“You think Try owes him something?”, argued Edi “Come on, the moment Soeharto died, it’s his duty to support Try because constitutionally Try’s his Supreme Commander now.”

“That’s exactly it, Edi”, replied Harsudiono “But what he did was impressive considering that this was the time ABRI was so submissive to Soeharto’s will that the Army Chief of Staff at that time walked around wearing a Golkar jacket saying that all members of ABRI were cadres of Golkar.”

Edi thought about it for a while.

“What’s Try’s relationship with Wiranto like?” asked Harsudiono.

“Very business-like, not personally close”, replied Edi “Aside from the fact that they’ve both been Commander of the Jakarta Regional Military Command, that they’ve both been President Soeharto’s aide-de-camps, they have no personal bonds. But their relationship works out pretty well.”

“You know why that is?” asked Harsudiono “It’s because regardless of how Wiranto feels about Try, what’s important for him is the institution of the presidency rather than the person occupying it. Otherwise, it’s very likely that he would have done something other than support Try the night Soeharto died.”

“Okay, how does this relate to your point earlier that we have to play fair?” asked Edi.

“Playing fair means this”, began Harsudiono “If we expected ABRI to support Try when the presidency passed to him and if we expect ABRI to continue supporting Try throughout his term on the basis of the office he holds, then we can’t hate it when ABRI is realizing that it might have to support someone else if Try loses the presidency because he would no longer be their constitutional supreme commander. It means ABRI is following Wiranto’s lead and is thinking about institutions rather than personalities.”

---
First day of the ABRI National Leadership Meeting is completed, no dismantling of Dual Function but tinkering around with ABRI’s commercial interests is on the agenda and the realization that ABRI’s starting to think in terms of institutions rather than personalities dawns on Try’s inner circle.

ITTL Wiranto supporting Try when Soeharto dies because Try's the rightful president is based on OTL Wiranto's choice to support Habibie when Soeharto resigned in 1998; not really close beforehand but the support is given because Try in ITTL and Habibie in OTL were Soeharto's constitutional successors.
 
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“They’re talking about the possibility of Try losing and you’re laughing, that’s great, real grea” said Edi.

“Saurip was one of my staff members back when I was ABRI Chief of the Socio-Political Affairs Staff so he might’ve picked up something from me as far as speaking bluntly is concerned”, apologized Harsudiono “But as far as what those officers were discussing, we have to play fair…Try has to play fair.”

“How so?” asked Edi.

“History shows that the night Soeharto died and Try became president, the first ABRI officer to declare his support for Try and start asking units to support him was Wiranto and we can’t take that away from him”, said Harsudiono “Feisal was the Commander of ABRI at the time, Prabowo was the Commander of Kopassus at the time, they seemed more concerned about what this meant for the people they want to support as president rather than declaring their support for Try.”

“You think Try owes him something?”, argued Edi “Come on, the moment Soeharto died, it’s his duty to support Try because constitutionally Try’s his Supreme Commander now.”

“That’s exactly it, Edi”, replied Harsudiono “But what he did was impressive considering that this was the time ABRI was so submissive to Soeharto’s will that the Army Chief of Staff at that time walked around wearing a Golkar jacket saying that all members of ABRI were cadres of Golkar.”

Edi thought about it for a while.

“What’s Try’s relationship with Wiranto like?” asked Harsudiono.

“Very business-like, not personally close”, replied Edi “Aside from the fact that they’ve both been Commander of the Jakarta Regional Military Command, that they’ve both been President Soeharto’s aide-de-camps, they have no personal bonds. But their relationship works out pretty well.”

“You know why that is?” asked Harsudiono “It’s because regardless of how Wiranto feels about Try, what’s important for him is the institution of the presidency rather than the person occupying. It’s very likely that he would have done something other than support Try the night Soeharto died.”

“Okay, how does this relate to your point earlier that we have to play fair?” asked Edi.

“Playing fair means this”, began Harsudiono “If we expected ABRI to support Try when the presidency passed to him and if we expect ABRI to continue supporting Try throughout his term on the basis of the office he holds, then we can’t hate it when ABRI is realizing that it might have to support someone else if Try loses the presidency because he would no longer be their constitutional supreme commander. It means ABRI is following Wiranto’s lead and is thinking about institutions rather than personalities.”

This excerpt right here is very interesting in the context of the post-Soeharto era. I can see Edi trying to impose the New Order authoritarian rhetoric while Try was looking at a logical picture. I may be wrong in this, but this simple gesture by Wiranto can be a small opening to address ABRI's issue being a political group inside the MPR. Being both a political and defensive organization, ABRI would certainly be in an awkward spot if a candidate won an election against ABRI's endorsement. Of course, Mega is unlikely to win from Try's good popularity in the 2002 Election as we look at the trends, but long term it could be the problem.

Also, to end Dwifungsi ABRI may be harder as there was no OTL 1998 and all the shenanigans, but I think this discussion may linger upon government officials [possibly the people in the near future].
 
17th February 2002:
The dresscode that night was batik as ABRI’s most high-ranked and senior officers as well active along with their wives gathered at the Cipanas Presidential Palace. The ABRI National Leadership Meeting was not due to start until tomorrow but the welcome dinner was held that night with the food preparation personally overseen by First Lady Tuti Setiawati.

President Try Sutrisno took to the microphone and delivered an impromptu speech to welcome his guests.

“I would like all of us here to contemplate the opportunity that our nation has at the moment. We have survived the Asian Financial Crisis and weathered the international downturn last year where other nations have struggled. And where other nations have had some of their progress wiped out, the progress which we have made, especially over the last 30 years, is still largely intact. Where others are rebuilding, we have the opportunity to build upon pas progress. I hope that our nation will realize this and I hope that ABRI, above all, will realize this.”

18th February 2002:
The ABRI National Leadership Meeting began this morning at the Cipanas Presidential Palace, the officers having gone back to their hotels and inns around Cipanas and then gathering again in the morning. Flanked by Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar and Commander of ABRI Wiranto, the President hit the gong to declare the ABRI National Leadership officially open.

After that the President went to the Cipanas Presidential Palace to work with State Secretary Edi Sudrajat explaining that the President would just like to be in the midst of his officers as they discuss matters important for ABRI.

The first issue discussed was sensitive enough that it became the first item on the National Leadership agenda: ABRI’s commercial interests.

The agenda had called for a discussion about the possibility of ABRI’s “possible relinquishing” of commercial interests. The immediate reaction of a majority of those present, holding commands over the nation’s largest military units, was to call for ABRI Headquarters to bear in mind the welfare of the soldiers and that whatever commercial activities undertaken was for the interest of the soldiers.

The Functional Assistant at ABRI Headquarters Saurip Kadi took a strong stance saying that with the government’s defense spending on the increase, eventually there is no reason for ABRI to hold on or to have commercial interests. Furthermore, Saurip argued, the less time ABRI personnel and units spent on commercial interests, the more it could improve its professional capability. There were mutterings in the room that Saurip had “not commanded field units in far too long” and that he had spent “ too much time with Agus Wirahadikusumah”.

There were more mutterings in the room against this idea. It was ABRI Chief of General Staff Djaja Suparman who said that while he agrees defense spending is on the increase, until this has reached the optimum level, some toleration must be shown to ventures designed to supplement the budget and increase the welfare of the soldiers.

What got a lot of attention were the comments of the Inspector General of ABRI Ryamizard Ryacudu. Ryamizard said that he was all in favor of improving the welfare of the soldiers and that if these commercial interests were the way to that then so be it. The muttering and grumbling stopped, the President’s son-in-law seemed to have understood that the various command units needed to supplement the official budget by engaging in commercial activities. But Ryamizard was not finished.

“I think the choice for ABRI is not between letting go of commercial interests or not letting go of commercial interests, I think the choice is between letting go of commercial interests or becoming more accountable and transparent”, Ryamizard continued “Accountable means money coming out, money coming in, which money goes in whose pockets for what purpose and for what reason must be accounted. Transparent means every commercial venture whether by military foundations, military cooperatives or whatever that’s related to the military, all of this must be declared and known by ABRI Headquarters and must be subject to both internal and external auditing.

If the purpose of the commercial interests is for the welfare of the soldiers, then accountability and transparency should be no problem.”

---
The President had lunch with Wismoyo Arismunandar and Wiranto, the latter two talking about the discussions that were taking place that morning. The President chuckled to himself hearing his son-in-law proposing a couple of difficult choices for the officer corps.

“Long term, if your plans for defense are any indication, Mr. President, the businesses would have to go” said Wiranto “There will come a time where there’s simply no reason for it.”

“In the meanwhile, if we get them to move on accountability and transparency, that would already be a big deal”, said Wismoyo.

---
The next item on the agenda, coming after lunch was ABRI’s political stance on various issues of which two notable issues were discussed.

The Extreme Right:
Chairman of BP-7 Agus Widjojo, attending the meeting because he is still an active officer, said that events in recent years and most recently the events of New York City, Washington DC, and Chicago show that the Extreme Right is a clear and present danger both inside and outside of Indonesia. Agus said that the nation’s awareness of the Extreme Left is something that is difficult to improve upon, but that awareness of the Extreme Right should also be built. He called on ABRI to be at the forefront of this campaign against the Extreme Right, ending his speech by saying that those who want to replace Pancasila with Sharia Law are just as bad as those who want to replace Pancasila with communism.

PKPI/PPP Coalition:
Deputy Army Chief of Staff Prijanto acting as a spokesperson to the regional military commanders said that in the aftermath of the PKPI/PPP coalition, the question is how to approach this coalition. ABRI Headquarters stated that ABRI members in the DPR and the DPRDs are in cooperation with the PKPI and the PPP but does cooperation with the two parties also mean a coalition with them since all three will be voting the same way?

The Leader of ABRI in the DPR Fachrul Rozi took up the question. He explained that first of all ABRI members in the DPR and the DPRDs have no obligation to the PKPI/PPP Coalition. It may be the case that ABRI supported Golkar in the past a result of President Soeharto’s urging in 1980 that ABRI “take sides” but Golkar no longer exists so the state of affairs where ABRI supported Golkar is finished. At the present, Fachrul concluded, there’s no automatic coalition between ABRI and the PKPI and the PPP unless the President has specifically instructed it or ordered it.

ABRI Chief of the Socio-Political Affairs Staff Djamari Chaniago said that for the moment, the President and the Commander of ABRI’s orders are for ABRI to formulate a stance that ABRI can get behind and support.

A lot of brainstorming followed. The breakthrough was made by Vice Chairman of the DPR Hari Sabarno who argued that the starting point should not be whether or not ABRI should get in a coalition, the starting point should be that the President is the constitutional Supreme Commander of ABRI. If ABRI supported the PKPI it would be because this reflected the President’s political inclinations of believing in a coalition between the PKPI/PPP.

The meeting agreed with this but then the question remained: coalition or no coalition?

The Commander of the Central Java Regional Military Command Tri Tamtomo favored a coalition saying that in Central Java it’s a battlefield between the PKPI/PPP Coalition and the PKPB in the Central Java DPRD and that’s before taking the PNI into the equation. A coalition will help in governing “arrangements” between ABRI and the PKPI/PPP Coalition.

Having kept silent for most of the day, Governor of Lemhanas Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono spoke up saying that it was enough for ABRI to support the PKPI/PPP Coalition based on the fact that this was the President’s political inclination. When asked why, Yudhoyono became hesitant to give an answer. In the room, there were more officers who were in favor of merely supporting rather than getting into a coalition with the PKPI and the PPP but all were hesitant to give a clear answer.

It finally fell to Saurip Kadi to speak out again, telling the meeting why it was enough for ABRI to support the PKPI/PPP Coalition rather than be a part of it.

Silence descended on the meeting and the talks became deadlocked. The meeting finally resolved that the matter of whether to support or join the PKPI/PPP should be left to the President.

---
When the officers had gone home to their hotels at night, Wiranto visited the President at the Cipanas Presidential Palace. The President and Edi listened intently as Wiranto reported about the discussions regarding ABRI’s political stance on various issues including whether or not ABRI should join the PKPI/PPP Coalition.

“And why did Saurip say that it’s best for ABRI to simply support the PKPI and the PPP rather than join with them in a coalition?” asked the President.

“Two reasons, Mr. President”, replied Wiranto “First, if we enter into a coalition with the PKPI and the PPP, this would be contradictory to the consensus of the officer corps which was that ABRI should stay neutral at the 2002 Elections. How can ABRI be neutral when we’re in coalition with not one, but two of the participants in the election?”

The President nodded and then waited an inordinate amount of time for Wiranto to continue.

“You said there was a second reason, General”, replied Edi impatiently.

“The second reason is because it would be awkward with your successor if we were still in coalition with the two political parties supporting you in the event that…” and Wiranto paused “In the event that the presidency changes hands at the 2003 MPR General Session.”

“I see”, said the President.

“There is also the argument that in the event of the presidency changing hands, we have to simply shift our support from the PKPI and the PPP to the PKPB…” said Wiranto before Edi cut him off.

“You were talking about the possibility of the President…” began Edi angrily.

“Calm down, Mr. State Secretary”, said the President before he turned to Wiranto “That’ll be all for today, we have a big day tomorrow.”

Wiranto stood up and saluted the President before turning around to leave. When Wiranto left, the President turned to Edi.

“You too, it’s another long day tomorrow”, the President said.

That night from his pavilion at the Cipanas Presidential Palace, Edi called Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas who was in Jakarta. Edi told what happened and Harsudiono laughed at it.

“They’re talking about the possibility of Try losing and you’re laughing, that’s great, real grea” said Edi.

“Saurip was one of my staff members back when I was ABRI Chief of the Socio-Political Affairs Staff so he might’ve picked up something from me as far as speaking bluntly is concerned”, apologized Harsudiono “But as far as what those officers were discussing, we have to play fair…Try has to play fair.”

“How so?” asked Edi.

“History shows that the night Soeharto died and Try became president, the first ABRI officer to declare his support for Try and start asking units to support him was Wiranto and we can’t take that away from him”, said Harsudiono “Feisal was the Commander of ABRI at the time, Prabowo was the Commander of Kopassus at the time, they seemed more concerned about what this meant for the people they want to support as president rather than declaring their support for Try.”

“You think Try owes him something?”, argued Edi “Come on, the moment Soeharto died, it’s his duty to support Try because constitutionally Try’s his Supreme Commander now.”

“That’s exactly it, Edi”, replied Harsudiono “But what he did was impressive considering that this was the time ABRI was so submissive to Soeharto’s will that the Army Chief of Staff at that time walked around wearing a Golkar jacket saying that all members of ABRI were cadres of Golkar.”

Edi thought about it for a while.

“What’s Try’s relationship with Wiranto like?” asked Harsudiono.

“Very business-like, not personally close”, replied Edi “Aside from the fact that they’ve both been Commander of the Jakarta Regional Military Command, that they’ve both been President Soeharto’s aide-de-camps, they have no personal bonds. But their relationship works out pretty well.”

“You know why that is?” asked Harsudiono “It’s because regardless of how Wiranto feels about Try, what’s important for him is the institution of the presidency rather than the person occupying it. Otherwise, it’s very likely that he would have done something other than support Try the night Soeharto died.”

“Okay, how does this relate to your point earlier that we have to play fair?” asked Edi.

“Playing fair means this”, began Harsudiono “If we expected ABRI to support Try when the presidency passed to him and if we expect ABRI to continue supporting Try throughout his term on the basis of the office he holds, then we can’t hate it when ABRI is realizing that it might have to support someone else if Try loses the presidency because he would no longer be their constitutional supreme commander. It means ABRI is following Wiranto’s lead and is thinking about institutions rather than personalities.”

---
First day of the ABRI National Leadership Meeting is completed, no dismantling of Dual Function but tinkering around with ABRI’s commercial interests is on the agenda and the realization that ABRI’s starting to think in terms of institutions rather than personalities dawns on Try’s inner circle.

ITTL Wiranto supporting Try when Soeharto dies because Try's the rightful president is based on OTL Wiranto's choice to support Habibie when Soeharto resigned in 1998; not really close beforehand but the support is given because Try in ITTL and Habibie in OTL were Soeharto's constitutional successors.
This is interesting for what it seems as a “doubt of purpose” after essentially years following golkar and now it ceased to exist. And now in this one while it’s clearly because constitutionally Try is their Commander in Chief they also confused what happen if he lose the 2002 election (I mean who wouldn’t with the TL now has other parties exist it would have more confusion for ABRI politically with the possibility after Try administration that the country would start have an often changes of leadership so that confusion would start because of the choice of choosing a President because he is their Commander in Chief or not choosing the President and risk of making the country accuse the ABRI for meddling the election or make the President felt betrayed). For I as someone who born in 2001 seeing this as something interesting as a “what if” since for the most part I saw how the country works at the IRL Reformasi era government system.
 
Fo
This excerpt right here is very interesting in the context of the post-Soeharto era. I can see Edi trying to impose the New Order authoritarian rhetoric while Try was looking at a logical picture. I may be wrong in this, but this simple gesture by Wiranto can be a small opening to address ABRI's issue being a political group inside the MPR. Being both a political and defensive organization, ABRI would certainly be in an awkward spot if a candidate won an election against ABRI's endorsement. Of course, Mega is unlikely to win from Try's good popularity in the 2002 Election as we look at the trends, but long term it could be the problem.

Also, to end Dwifungsi ABRI may be harder as there was no OTL 1998 and all the shenanigans, but I think this discussion may linger upon government officials [possibly the people in the near future].
For the long term I will bet this would be “The problem” every time the country went through an election. So an end to dwifungsi seems needs to be a priority to prevent any possible problems in the future. Yet if it seems unviable since there is no 1998 and the shenanigans I guess the other way is to find a way constitutionally or maybe agreement of some sort with the gov to make a reasoning of their relevance in the DPR (maybe like put em as a neutral representative in the DPR and put their reasoning of existence as “representation of the armed forces to ensure that their voice would be heard in the DPR as the defenders of the country while maintaining its political neutrality within the government”) or just do something like in IRL and end their dwifungsi. And if the writer plans to end it then this chapter would possibly be their beginning of an end. I always see political neutrality of an armed forces as a quite important thing for reasoning of democracy and stuff and don’t wanna be seen as a Junta. But when an armed forces take sides I always see as 2 things.
1. Failure of Political Neutrality and Manage to be manipulated politically by a faction (like political party)
2. Failure of a Government that fail so bad that the Armed Forces probably has no choice but conduct a coup to ensure the country not destroy itself (yet this is very rare and usually a military coup happen because they just want to take over the country unconstitutionally or in a word “illegally”)
 
I enjoyed many moments, but if i must choose one, it would be the African Trip - a consolidation of Indonesia leaving behind the crisis and expanding the markets.

Now about characters, i dont know anything about indonesian modern history, so i dont have a favourite. But i feel Gindajar as a key character ITTL. Will be interesting to see how this develops.
Definitely. That one was an important trip as far as exports were concerned.

Haha yeah, I pretty much exposed this by the Palembang mentions :)



-The TL is long enough to make it hard to choose for a specific moment, but I'd say the most memorable was (surprisingly) the dissolution of Golkar. I mean, I think we all know from the start that you were going to have Try led the country out of the economic crisis and have him do some political reforms, but I just didn't expect that Golkar would be straight up dissolved. You did well in building up the tension and I also love the way you write TTL reactions to the event, which must've been somewhat worldview-shattering for them.

-As with @Pio2013, Ginandjar.
Yes, Golkar breaking apart was something that sent chills down my spine when I realized that it was going to happen.

Ginandjar is an interesting case as far as ITTL events goes. In OTL, he was ambitious enough to think that he had a chance at the vice presidency in 1998 (When Soeharto signaled that he wanted Habibie by saying he wanted a vice president that mastered technology, Ginandjar that also applied to him), he was powerful enough that when he convinced 13 other ministers to withdraw their support for Soeharto this was the final straw for Soeharto as far as his decision to resign went, and he was capable enough to at least stop the Indonesian economy from taking on anymore damage under Soeharto and Habibie. And I tried to transfer these OTL qualities ITTL.

If you want to summarize ITTL Ginandjar in a sentence, is that It's clear that he has his own agenda but it's also clear that he's too good at his job for Try to replace him.

From a writing standpoint, Ginandjar being at foreign affairs is me trying to go a different way from OTL. The Minister of Foreign Affairs' position in Indonesia usually goes to a career diplomat but I knew that with Indonesia eventually going to become more assertive, it would take someone more political than a diplomat to manage things at the Department of Foreign Affairs.

This is OTL Ginandjar in action:
 
159: The 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting Part II
19th February 2002:
The 2002 ABRI National Leadership Meeting got underway again at the Cipanas Presidential Palace for its second day. The meeting today had the air of importance to it. President Try Sutrisno sat in on today’s session accompanied by a row of dignitaries in the form of Vice President JB Sumarlin, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo, and Chairman of the BP-7 Agus Widjojo.

Commander of ABRI Wiranto gave the introduction saying that today’s session will discuss the current international situation and what it means for the nation and for ABRI. He then called Ginandjar to speak.

Ginandjar spoke about the current international situation. Highlighting three things in particular:

*The United States, although now the sole superpower, is i“distracted”. Just as it was standing up to Russia and China’s calls for a multipolar world, it was attacked by terrorists on 9/11. Ginandjar said that the United States is wounded and is raging around in Afghanistan like a bull in a china shop and that it is something of an embarrassment for the McCain Administration that friendly fire had killed Hamid Karzai, the man originally slated to be Chairman of the Interim Afghan Administration. Ginandjar said that the Global Policeman presently is preoccupied with its “personal problems” to attend to its duties properly and it is unknown how long this state of affairs will last.

*Russia, the largest remnant of the Soviet Union, is trying to challenge the United States or at the very least trying to nudge the world in a multipolar position. It is trying to look reasonable to the Middle East when compared to the United States and trying to insert itself in the situation between India and Pakistan as the peacemaker. The strategic goal of Russia and its president Yevgeny Primakov remains the establishment of a Russian-Chinese-Indian triangle to counter the power of the United States. He has advocated this goal since before he became president and there has been no changes to this outlook even with Indonesia’s good years in 2000 and 2001.

*China is becoming an economic power and is set to become the second largest economy in the world before the decade is out. It is of course also becoming a political power in Asia. Its position is strong after the year 2000 which saw the emergence of a government in Taipei that is strongly pro-mainland and a Prime Minister of Japan which is in favor of good relations with China Having secured to a large extent its position in Northeast Asia, it is now seeking to do the same in Southeast Asia.

Speaking from his chair while holding the microphone, the President addressed the conclusions to be drawn from the three things highlighted by Ginandjar:

*With the United States being preoccupied with its own issues and not focused on being the sole superpower and the global policeman, the international environment is more dynamic rather than static. The President said that under normal circumstances, it wouldn’t have been possible for Indonesia to get the 10 year moratorium on debt repayments but because of the War on Terror, this was exactly what Indonesia was able to achieve.

*Primakov wanting to present himself as being more reasonable to the Islamic world yet has made no attempt to court the support of the nation with the largest amount of Muslims on the planet, he wants to use nations with large populations to counter the United States but has not seen fit to look for the support of the nation with the 4th largest population on earth. The President said that this means that Indonesia is flying below the radar in the eyes of some nation, Indonesia must take advantage of this and advance its cause as much as possible while it is still under the radar.

*The rise of China and its strong position in Northeast Asia means that elsewhere in Asia, the need has become more pronounced for a counter to China’s increasing power. In South Asia, India is preoccupied with its own internal affairs and Pakistan, in Central Asia most the nations are tied up with Russia and China in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This leaves Southeast Asia as the only logical place where a “counterweight” to China can be found.

“With our increasing assertiveness, we are increasingly seen as the nation that can fulfil this role within Southeast Asia and in nations within proximity of Southeast Asia”, argued the President “They need us because we are the largest and most assertive nation in the region, we need them because our strength is not sufficient to take China on ourselves. This is our starting point for the advancement of our strategic interests.”

There was silence in the room as the President let the officers processed his words.

“Our goal is threefold”, began the President “First, by the time the 10 year moratorium on debt repayment, Indonesia has advanced to the point where it will become inevitable that it will be among the 10 largest economies in the world.

Second, by the time we are no longer “under the radar”, we must be masuk hitungan in the eyes of the world, we must be worthy of consideration.

Third, while still borrowing the strength of other nations whose interests are similar to ours, we must advance ourselves so that one day when must take an independent decision these same nations can no longer pressure us.”

The National Leadership Meeting broke up for lunch and the officers talked animatedly about what was being discussed.

The after lunch session, led by ABRI Chief of General Staff Djaja Suparman, dealt with the security threats that Indonesia would face as it pursued the goals outlined by the President before lunch. To this end, all 4 branches of ABRI were given the opportunity to present their case as to what they thought would be Indonesia’s main security threats.

The Army, represented by Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin was first. They made the argument, which got immediate murmurs of approval, that Indonesia’s main security threat is the People’s Republic of China. After securing its position in Northeast Asia, China is now seeking to extend its influence in Southeast Asia. As far as said influence was concerned, China already has a foothold in Cambodia and Malaysia but that it will obviously seek to increase that influence.

The President said that this is correct. He said that it is wrong to say that the feeling of insecurity towards China is racially based because in Indonesia, it is his government that had restored the rights of Chinese-Indonesians in the country. It is also wrong to say that this feeling of insecurity is ideologically-based considering that China now subscribes to a pragmatic economic policy.

“Our feeling of insecurity towards China is based on geopolitics”, said the President “They want to expand their influence in Southeast Asia and we happen to be the biggest in the region; there is a clash of interests.”

Whilst acknowledging China’s strength, the President expressed his belief that diplomatically, the situation was on “our side”, before going on to say what he had previously said in private to Edi.

“The dilemma is theirs as far as relations between our two countries are concerned”, argued the President “In the overall scheme of things, because their ambition is to eventually be the most powerful nation in the world, they have bigger fish to fry than Indonesia or for that matter, Southeast Asia. But they will not be able to resist interfering in Southeast Asia or trying to block us. Why? How can they try to impose themselves on the world when they can’t impose themselves in their immediate region?

But in doing so they play into our game, nations in the region see the advantage of banding together under our leadership when they see China flex its muscles. Then the cycle starts all over again, China sees Southeast Asia banding together, it feels the need to assert itself and then faces the dilemma about whether or not they should try to interfere in Southeast Asia.”

The Navy had a different idea. Navy Chief of Staff Indroko Sastrowiryono said that whilst it was true that China was the largest security threat, a closer and more immediate security threat is Malaysia. The Navy argued that Malaysia is interested in “our territory” saying that after Sipadan and Ligitan, they have their eyes set on Ambalat. This of course, in addition to the role it is increasingly fulfilling as China’s largest and most important proxy in Southeast Asia.

Ginandjar weighed in on the Navy’s argument. He said that Malaysia, especially since the rise of Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak, has shown itself to be unwilling to acknowledge Indonesia as the region’s leader and has thus drifted into China’s embrace. At the same time, Indonesia and Malaysia’s deep ties and cooperation across various fields makes things “complicated”.

For the Air Force, whose views were represented Air Force Chief of Staff Ali Munsiri Rappe, the security threat came from the south, from Australia. There were some murmurs of disagreement and the President himself looked like he did not like this idea until Ali gave his explanation. The reason for this was that, in turning its eyes in the direction of China and Malaysia, Indonesia is turning its back on Australia, a nation that is ambiguous about what a strong Indonesia could mean for its security. Ali said that if Indonesia pays too much attention to China and Malaysia, Australia with an air base in Darwin in Northern Australia is well-placed to “plunge the knife in our back”. Australia also has a large influence in Papua New Guinea and so in this regard, Indonesia has to watch out for its southern and eastern flank.

Backing Ali’s argument was none other than Ari Sudewo who spoke of an intel which he received not long after the 2001 APEC Summit and which he only confirmed only a few weeks prior when he visited the Philippines with Wiranto.

“The idea that Indonesia should commit personnel to Operation Enduring Freedom, in other words to commit troops to Afghanistan, came from Australia” explained Ari “The Australian Government lobbied the McCain Administration though thankfully we were able to counter it.”

The President’s expression still had disbelief written over it when Chief of Police Yun Mulyana spoke that the Police thought that Indonesia’s main security threat was internal. Separatism has been dormant and by and large seems to be neutralized by according Aceh, Irian Jaya, and East Timor with Special Region status though the nation could not drop its vigilance. But the main internal threat that Yun and the Police were concerned about was the threat of the Extreme Right, saying that the failure to deal with the Extreme Right or if the Extreme Right is allowed to make a terrorist attack, this will mean that despite of its externa aspirations, the Government must neccesarily focused inwards.

Agus Widjojo spoke out once again on the need to deal with the Extreme Right. Venturing beyond ideology, Agus said that Indonesia is at a place right now where it could afford to assert itself on the world stage and deal with nations which constitutes an external security threat. But the focus on the external security threats must not come at the expense of internal security. ABRI must address these threats simultaneously.

---
By the time Agus said his piece, it was nearly sunset and everyone in the room seemed to have smoke rising out of their heads due to the strategic-level nature of what was being discussed but all and continued to pay attention because there something was at stake. So much so that when the day’s sessions finished, there were expressions of disappointment on the officers’ faces.

When the planners of the ABRI National Leadership Meeting had announced internally that there would be a session on security threats and that each branch of ABRI would be given the opportunity to present what they thought were Indonesia’s security threats, a note was also given that a “convincing presentation of security threats may result in the prioritization of your branch of ABRI”. With the President having made his intentions clear that he would like to spend more on defense and security, all four branches of ABRI had done backflips trying to make the most convincing presentation and trying to differentiate themselves from each other in the weeks and months leading to the ABRI National Leadership Meeting. To make the presentations convincing, the officers in each branch of ABRI nominated no less than their chiefs to speak on their behalf, leading to the sight of the Army Chief of Staff, the Navy Chief of Staff, the Air Force Chief of Staff, and the Chief of Police speaking on what each respective branch of ABRI thought about Indonesia’s security threat.

Now, while the others returned to their hotels, TB Hasanuddin, Indroko Sastrowiryono, Ali Munsiri Rappe, and Yun Mulyana found themselves sitting across the table from the President, Wismoyo Arismunandar, Wiranto, and Deputy Commander of ABRI Chappy Hakim inside the Cipanas Presidential Palace. The President was silent for some time and then he spoke.

“I have already approved of the ideas you put forward today when they were final drafts a few weeks ago, I just wanted to see you all argue your points”, the President said.

The four officers’ expression was somewhere between relief and disbelief.

“Today we discussed strategic issues, our nation’s opportunity for the future and the security threats it faces”, the President continued “This is important because in identifying these things, ABRI will become aware of its reason for being at this particular time in the nation’s journey and most importantly why ABRI will be expanding…”

There was a veiled board in the room that the four officers had not noticed before. Wiranto stood up from his chair and unveiled it, revealing a chart.

---
After lunch, Edi Sudrajat had made the trip back from Cipanas to Jakarta bringing with him a copy of the chart that the President wanted to unveil to the three chiefs of staff and the chief of police. When he arrived in Jakarta, Edi visited a house and showed the chart he brought to someone prominent living inside that house.

“He’s the President, there is no need for him to do this, it would just fuel the rumors that he’s my puppet if people were to find out what you’re doing here”, said former Commander of ABRI Benny Moerdani.

“He just would like to tell you of the changes that he wants to make”, replied Edi.

Benny looked at the chart.

“He’s the Supreme Commander of ABRI, there’s no need for him to ask my permission” said Benny “I’m just glad that he’s now at a point where he’s outlining his own vision for the country, setting his own agenda, and setting up his own political order, a PKPI/PPP Coalition replicated at all levels of the legislature is a nice move.”

“I will tell the President you said that, Sir”, said Edi.

“Tell him that”, said Benny “And also tell him this: that the vision he’s outlined at the 2001 State Address, the coalition he’s made with the PPP, this thing he wants to do with ABRI, it will all be for nothing if in 13 months’ time he has to leave the Presidential Palace.”

---
 
I b
19th February 2002:
The 2002 ABRI National Leadership Meeting got underway again at the Cipanas Presidential Palace for its second day. The meeting today had the air of importance to it. President Try Sutrisno sat in on today’s session accompanied by a row of dignitaries in the form of Vice President JB Sumarlin, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo, and Chairman of the BP-7 Agus Widjojo.

Commander of ABRI Wiranto gave the introduction saying that today’s session will discuss the current international situation and what it means for the nation and for ABRI. He then called Ginandjar to speak.

Ginandjar spoke about the current international situation. Highlighting three things in particular:

*The United States, although now the sole superpower, is i“distracted”. Just as it was standing up to Russia and China’s calls for a multipolar world, it was attacked by terrorists on 9/11. Ginandjar said that the United States is wounded and is raging around in Afghanistan like a bull in a china shop and that it is something of an embarrassment for the McCain Administration that friendly fire had killed Hamid Karzai, the man originally slated to be Chairman of the Interim Afghan Administration. Ginandjar said that the Global Policeman presently is preoccupied with its “personal problems” to attend to its duties properly and it is unknown how long this state of affairs will last.

*Russia, the largest remnant of the Soviet Union, is trying to challenge the United States or at the very least trying to nudge the world in a multipolar position. It is trying to look reasonable to the Middle East when compared to the United States and trying to insert itself in the situation between India and Pakistan as the peacemaker. The strategic goal of Russia and its president Yevgeny Primakov remains the establishment of a Russian-Chinese-Indian triangle to counter the power of the United States. He has advocated this goal since before he became president and there has been no changes to this outlook even with Indonesia’s good years in 2000 and 2001.

*China is becoming an economic power and is set to become the second largest economy in the world before the decade is out. It is of course also becoming a political power in Asia. Its position is strong after the year 2000 which saw the emergence of a government in Taipei that is strongly pro-mainland and a Prime Minister of Japan which is in favor of good relations with China Having secured to a large extent its position in Northeast Asia, it is now seeking to do the same in Southeast Asia.

Speaking from his chair while holding the microphone, the President addressed the conclusions to be drawn from the three things highlighted by Ginandjar:

*With the United States being preoccupied with its own issues and not focused on being the sole superpower and the global policeman, the international environment is more dynamic rather than static. The President said that under normal circumstances, it wouldn’t have been possible for Indonesia to get the 10 year moratorium on debt repayments but because of the War on Terror, this was exactly what Indonesia was able to achieve.

*Primakov wanting to present himself as being more reasonable to the Islamic world yet has made no attempt to court the support of the nation with the largest amount of Muslims on the planet, he wants to use nations with large populations to counter the United States but has not seen fit to look for the support of the nation with the 4th largest population on earth. The President said that this means that Indonesia is flying below the radar in the eyes of some nation, Indonesia must take advantage of this and advance its cause as much as possible while it is still under the radar.

*The rise of China and its strong position in Northeast Asia means that elsewhere in Asia, the need has become more pronounced for a counter to China’s increasing power. In South Asia, India is preoccupied with its own internal affairs and Pakistan, in Central Asia most the nations are tied up with Russia and China in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This leaves Southeast Asia as the only logical place where a “counterweight” to China can be found.

“With our increasing assertiveness, we are increasingly seen as the nation that can fulfil this role within Southeast Asia and in nations within proximity of Southeast Asia”, argued the President “They need us because we are the largest and most assertive nation in the region, we need them because our strength is not sufficient to take China on ourselves. This is our starting point for the advancement of our strategic interests.”

There was silence in the room as the President let the officers processed his words.

“Our goal is threefold”, began the President “First, by the time the 10 year moratorium on debt repayment, Indonesia has advanced to the point where it will become inevitable that it will be among the 10 largest economies in the world.

Second, by the time we are no longer “under the radar”, we must be masuk hitungan in the eyes of the world, we must be worthy of consideration.

Third, while still borrowing the strength of other nations whose interests are similar to ours, we must advance ourselves so that one day when must take an independent decision these same nations can no longer pressure us.”

The National Leadership Meeting broke up for lunch and the officers talked animatedly about what was being discussed.

The after lunch session, led by ABRI Chief of General Staff Djaja Suparman, dealt with the security threats that Indonesia would face as it pursued the goals outlined by the President before lunch. To this end, all 4 branches of ABRI were given the opportunity to present their case as to what they thought would be Indonesia’s main security threats.

The Army, represented by Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin was first. They made the argument, which got immediate murmurs of approval, that Indonesia’s main security threat is the People’s Republic of China. After securing its position in Northeast Asia, China is now seeking to extend its influence in Southeast Asia. As far as said influence was concerned, China already has a foothold in Cambodia and Malaysia but that it will obviously seek to increase that influence.

The President said that this is correct. He said that it is wrong to say that the feeling of insecurity towards China is racially based because in Indonesia, it is his government that had restored the rights of Chinese-Indonesians in the country. It is also wrong to say that this feeling of insecurity is ideologically-based considering that China now subscribes to a pragmatic economic policy.

“Our feeling of insecurity towards China is based on geopolitics”, said the President “They want to expand their influence in Southeast Asia and we happen to be the biggest in the region; there is a clash of interests.”

Whilst acknowledging China’s strength, the President expressed his belief that diplomatically, the situation was on “our side”, before going on to say what he had previously said in private to Edi.

“The dilemma is theirs as far as relations between our two countries are concerned”, argued the President “In the overall scheme of things, because their ambition is to eventually be the most powerful nation in the world, they have bigger fish to fry than Indonesia or for that matter, Southeast Asia. But they will not be able to resist interfering in Southeast Asia or trying to block us. Why? How can they try to impose themselves on the world when they can’t impose themselves in their immediate region?

But in doing so they play into our game, nations in the region see the advantage of banding together under our leadership when they see China flex its muscles. Then the cycle starts all over again, China sees Southeast Asia banding together, it feels the need to assert itself and then faces the dilemma about whether or not they should try to interfere in Southeast Asia.”

The Navy had a different idea. Navy Chief of Staff Indroko Sastrowiryono said that whilst it was true that China was the largest security threat, a closer and more immediate security threat is Malaysia. The Navy argued that Malaysia is interested in “our territory” saying that after Sipadan and Ligitan, they have their eyes set on Ambalat. This of course, in addition to the role it is increasingly fulfilling as China’s largest and most important proxy in Southeast Asia.

Ginandjar weighed in on the Navy’s argument. He said that Malaysia, especially since the rise of Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak, has shown itself to be unwilling to acknowledge Indonesia as the region’s leader and has thus drifted into China’s embrace. At the same time, Indonesia and Malaysia’s deep ties and cooperation across various fields makes things “complicated”.

For the Air Force, whose views were represented Air Force Chief of Staff Ali Munsiri Rappe, the security threat came from the south, from Australia. There were some murmurs of disagreement and the President himself looked like he did not like this idea until Ali gave his explanation. The reason for this was that, in turning its eyes in the direction of China and Malaysia, Indonesia is turning its back on Australia, a nation that is ambiguous about what a strong Indonesia could mean for its security. Ali said that if Indonesia pays too much attention to China and Malaysia, Australia with an air base in Darwin in Northern Australia is well-placed to “plunge the knife in our back”. Australia also has a large influence in Papua New Guinea and so in this regard, Indonesia has to watch out for its southern and eastern flank.

Backing Ali’s argument was none other than Ari Sudewo who spoke of an intel which he received not long after the 2001 APEC Summit and which he only confirmed only a few weeks prior when he visited the Philippines with Wiranto.

“The idea that Indonesia should commit personnel to Operation Enduring Freedom, in other words to commit troops to Afghanistan, came from Australia” explained Ari “The Australian Government lobbied the McCain Administration though thankfully we were able to counter it.”

The President’s expression still had disbelief written over it when Chief of Police Yun Mulyana spoke that the Police thought that Indonesia’s main security threat was internal. Separatism has been dormant and by and large seems to be neutralized by according Aceh, Irian Jaya, and East Timor with Special Region status though the nation could not drop its vigilance. But the main internal threat that Yun and the Police were concerned about was the threat of the Extreme Right, saying that the failure to deal with the Extreme Right or if the Extreme Right is allowed to make a terrorist attack, this will mean that despite of its externa aspirations, the Government must neccesarily focused inwards.

Agus Widjojo spoke out once again on the need to deal with the Extreme Right. Venturing beyond ideology, Agus said that Indonesia is at a place right now where it could afford to assert itself on the world stage and deal with nations which constitutes an external security threat. But the focus on the external security threats must not come at the expense of internal security. ABRI must address these threats simultaneously.

---
By the time Agus said his piece, it was nearly sunset and everyone in the room seemed to have smoke rising out of their heads due to the strategic-level nature of what was being discussed but all and continued to pay attention because there something was at stake. So much so that when the day’s sessions finished, there were expressions of disappointment on the officers’ faces.

When the planners of the ABRI National Leadership Meeting had announced internally that there would be a session on security threats and that each branch of ABRI would be given the opportunity to present what they thought were Indonesia’s security threats, a note was also given that a “convincing presentation of security threats may result in the prioritization of your branch of ABRI”. With the President having made his intentions clear that he would like to spend more on defense and security, all four branches of ABRI had done backflips trying to make the most convincing presentation and trying to differentiate themselves from each other in the weeks and months leading to the ABRI National Leadership Meeting. To make the presentations convincing, the officers in each branch of ABRI nominated no less than their chiefs to speak on their behalf, leading to the sight of the Army Chief of Staff, the Navy Chief of Staff, the Air Force Chief of Staff, and the Chief of Police speaking on what each respective branch of ABRI thought about Indonesia’s security threat.

Now, while the others returned to their hotels, TB Hasanuddin, Indroko Sastrowiryono, Ali Munsiri Rappe, and Yun Mulyana found themselves sitting across the table from the President, Wismoyo Arismunandar, Wiranto, and Deputy Commander of ABRI Chappy Hakim inside the Cipanas Presidential Palace. The President was silent for some time and then he spoke.

“I have already approved of the ideas you put forward today when they were final drafts a few weeks ago, I just wanted to see you all argue your points”, the President said.

The four officers’ expression was somewhere between relief and disbelief.

“Today we discussed strategic issues, our nation’s opportunity for the future and the security threats it faces”, the President continued “This is important because in identifying these things, ABRI will become aware of its reason for being at this particular time in the nation’s journey and most importantly why ABRI will be expanding…”

There was a veiled board in the room that the four officers had not noticed before. Wiranto stood up from his chair and unveiled it, revealing a chart.

---
After lunch, Edi Sudrajat had made the trip back from Cipanas to Jakarta bringing with him a copy of the chart that the President wanted to unveil to the three chiefs of staff and the chief of police. When he arrived in Jakarta, Edi visited a house and showed the chart he brought to someone prominent living inside that house.

“He’s the President, there is no need for him to do this, it would just fuel the rumors that he’s my puppet if people were to find out what you’re doing here”, said former Commander of ABRI Benny Moerdani.

“He just would like to tell you of the changes that he wants to make”, replied Edi.

Benny looked at the chart.

“He’s the Supreme Commander of ABRI, there’s no need for him to ask my permission” said Benny “I’m just glad that he’s now at a point where he’s outlining his own vision for the country, setting his own agenda, and setting up his own political order, a PKPI/PPP Coalition replicated at all levels of the legislature is a nice move.”

“I will tell the President you said that, Sir”, said Edi.

“Tell him that”, said Benny “And also tell him this: that the vision he’s outlined at the 2001 State Address, the coalition he’s made with the PPP, this thing he wants to do with ABRI, it will all be for nothing if in 13 months’ time he has to leave the Presidential Palace.”

-
I hope the navy has its fair share on the defense program unlike in irl where it’s essentially neglected until recently with the 16 ships frigate program and the 12 boats submarines program.
 
160: The 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting Part III
20th February 2002:

Minutes of the the 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting
Day 3:
Morning to Lunch Session:
Organizational Matters​

Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar and Commander of ABRI Wiranto Co-Chaired the sessions of the 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting today.

The Minister of Defense and Security in his address said that it was important for ABRI to have awareness of the strategic environment and what threats are around as Indonesia makes its progress because this will be reflected in the way ABRI will be organized and what weaponry it will seek to obtain. The speeches made by the Army Chief of Staff, Navy Chief of Staff, Air Force Chief of Staff, and the Chief of Police have all been approved by the President, are all in accordance with the President’s goals for ABRI, and accordingly will now form the basis of a reorganization of ABRI.

The Commander of ABRI in his speech said that the President has approved of a reorganization of ABRI. In July 1999, a modest reorganization was undertaken in keeping with the nation’s capacity at the time and the fact that the nation was still not out of the Asian Financial Crisis yet. Between that time and the present, a team comprising of members from the Department of Defense and Security’s Directorate General of Planning and Funding and ABRI Headquarters’ Office of the Assistant of Planning had worked on the reorganization the National Leadership Meeting was about to see.

The general considerations for the current reorganization of ABRI are as follows:
-The nation’s strategic goals as outlined by the President on the 1st Day of the 2002 ABRI Leadership meeting
-The present stage of Indonesia’s national development
-The present national economic capacity
-The need to improve military capability and capacity to address domestic and foreign threats alike
-The need to increase military capability and capacity to pursue the strategic goals outlined by the President and the lack of priority given to defense and security in the past three decades
-The need to begin catching up to the military capability and capacity of prominent nations in the region
-The need to modernize all four branches of ABRI

ABRI Headquarters:
-The Deputy Commander of ABRI’s position will be upgraded to a four star position.

Army:
Personnel as of 1st July 1999: 235,000
Target for Personnel Expansion set in 1999: 255,000
Personnel as of February 2002: 262,000 (to accommodate recruitment for the formation of Kostrad’s 3rd Division)
New Target of Personnel Expansion: 400,000 (by 2012)

Regional Military Commands:
-Regional Military Commands will form the backbone not only of the Army but also of ABRI, it will have the dual task of both ensuring internal security in its jurisdiction and repelling enemy attack into their jurisdiction.

-After the reorganization there will be 15 regional military commands (currently: 10 regional military commands plus 3 operation commands).

-The aim will be for all Regional Military Commands to have:
*One raider-qualified battalion per regional military command
*One cavalry battalion or at a minimum a cavalry company per regional military command
*One mechanized infantry battalion per regional military command

-The training budget for each Regional Military Command will be increased for both existing personnel and new recruits alike to increase each regional military command’s capacity

- The Kalimantan Regional Military Command will be split into the Western Kalimantan and Eastern Kalimantan Regional Military Commands. The Western Kalimantan Regional Military Command Headquartered in Pontianak, West Kalimantan. The Eastern Kalimantan Regional Military Command Headquartered in Balikpapan, East Kalimantan. Both commands to be commanded by a two star officer.

-The Sulawesi Regional Military Command will be split into the Northern and Southern Sulawesi Regional Military Commands. The Northern Sulawesi Regional Military Command to be headquartered in Manado. The Southern Sulawesi Regional Military Command to be headquartered in Ujung Pandang. Both commands to be commanded by a two star officer.

-The Aceh Operations Command will be upgraded to become the Aceh Regional Military Command, headquartered in Banda Aceh and commanded by a two star officer.

-The Maluku Operations Command will be upgraded to become the Maluku Regional Military Command, headquartered in Ambon and commanded by a two star officer.

-The East Timor Operations Command will be upgraded to become the East Timor Regional Military Command, headquartered in Dili and commanded by a two star officer.

Kostrad:
-Accelerate preparations for Kostrad’s 3rd Division so that the unit will be completed by 5th October 2002.

Kopassus:
No changes

Navy:
Personnel as of 1st July 1999: 43,000
Target for Personnel Expansion set in 1999: 50,000
Personnel as of February 2002: 49,500
New Target of Personnel Expansion: 140,000 (including 40,000 Marine Corps) (by 2012)

Armadas:
The current organization of armadas will be revamped and expanded with the following changes initiated:

-The Western Armada Command’s Headquarters will be moved from Jakarta to Medan, North Sumatra to better watch over the Malacca Straits. Its jurisdiction will remain the same (the waters surrounding and/or bordering Sumatra, Western Kalimantan, Western Java)

-The current Eastern Armada Command will be split into the Central Armada Command and the Eastern Armada Command.

-The Central Armada Command’s jurisdiction will be the waters surrounding and/or bordering Eastern Kalimantan, Eastern Java, Western Sulawesi, Bali, and West Nusa Tenggara. It will be headquartered in Surabaya, East Java.

-The new Eastern Armada Command will have jurisdiction over the waters surrounding and/or bordering Eastern Sulawesi, East Nusa Tenggara and East Timor, Maluku, and Irian Jaya. It will be headquartered in Sorong, Irian Jaya.

-All armada commands to be commanded by two star officers.

Naval Bases:
-The following are designated as Primary Naval Bases to be commanded by a 1 star officer:
*The Padang Primary Naval Base in Padang, West Sumatra
*The Sorong Primary Naval Base in Sorong, Irian Jaya
*The Merauke Primary Naval Base in Merauke, Irian Jaya

All up there will now be 14 Primary Naval Bases.

Primary Naval Bases under the Western Armada Command:
*Belawan, North Sumatra
*Padang, West Sumatra
*Tanjung Pinang, Riau
*Jakarta
*Pontianak, West Kalimantan

Primary Naval Bases under the Central Armada Command:
*Surabaya, East Java
*Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi
*Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara
*Tarakan, East Kalimantan
*Manado, North Sulawesi

Primary Naval Bases under the Eastern Armada Command:
*Ambon, Maluku
*Jayapura, Irian Jaya
*Merauke, Irian Jaya
*Sorong, Irian Jaya

-Each Primary Naval Base is in charge of a minimum of 3 Naval Bases.

The Military Sealift Command (Kolinlamil):
-The Kolinlamil will have additional Military Sealift Units headquartered in Medan, Ujung Pandang, and Merauke in addition to the existing ones in Jakarta and Surabaya.

Marine Corps:
-The target is the creation of another Marine Force in addition to the existing two Marine Forces. The Commander of the Marine Corps’ position to be a three star position upon achievement of this goal.

Air Force:
Personnel as of 1st July 1999: 21,000
Target for Personnel Expansion set in 1999: 25,000
Personnel as of February 2002: 27,400
New Target of Personnel Expansion: 60,000 (including 8,000 Air Force Special Forces) (by 2012)

Air Operation Commands:
-The structure of the Air Operation Commands are revamped and expanded to be as followed.

-The First Air Force Operation Command’s headquarters will be moved to Pekanbaru, Riau.

-The Second Air Force Operation Command will be split into the Second Air Force Operation Command and the Third Air Force Operation Command.

-The new Second Air Force Operation Command will be headquartered in Jakarta.

-The Third Air Force Operation Command will be headquartered in Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi.

-All Air Force Operation Commands will be commanded by two star officers.

The National Air Defense Command:
-No changes

The Air Force Special Forces:
-Expand to 8,000 personnel by 2012

Air Bases:
The following is now designated a Type A Air Base:
*Domber Air Base, Balikpapan, East Kalimantan

The following are now Type A Air Bases:

Type A Air Bases under the First Air Force Operation Command:
*Rusmin Nurjadin Air Base, Pekanbaru, Riau
*Ranai Air Base, Natuna, Riau
*Halim Perdanaksuma Air Base, Jakarta
*Supadio Air Base, Pontianak, West Kalimantan
*Atang Sendjaja Air Base, Bogor, West Java

Type A Air Bases under the Second Air Force Operation Command:
*Soerjadarma Air Base, Subang, West Java
*Abdulrachman Saleh Air Base, Malang, East Java
*Iswahjudi Air Base, Madiun, East Java
*Domber Air Base, Balikpapan, East Kalimantan
*Sultan Hasanuddin Air Base, South Sulawesi

Type A Air Bases under the Third Air Force Operation Command:
*Sam Ratulangi Air Base, Manado, North Sulawesi
*El Tari Air Base, Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara
*Silas Papare Air Base, Jayapura, Irian Jaya
*Johannes Abraham Dimara Air Base, Merauke, Irian Jaya

---
Pausing briefly after speaking about the Navy and the Air Force’s organization, Wiranto told the Navy and the Air Force not to be disheartened because there are no “Each Navy Armada will have etc. etc.” or “An Air Force Operation Command must have etc. etc.” the way the Army Regional Command must have at least one raider qualified battalion etc.

“At this moment the President is very aware that the underspending in defense is most acutely felt in the Navy and Air Force, right now there is no minimal that the Navy and the Air Force should be aiming for, instead the Navy and Air Force should just start expanding. There’s no time to lose. We need to start filling up our armadas with ships and our air bases with airplanes”, said Wiranto.

---
Police:
Personnel as of 1st July 1999: 180,000
Target for Personnel Expansion set in 1999: 260,000
Personnel as of February 2002: 240,000
New Target of Personnel Expansion: 400,000 (including 25,000 Mobile Brigade) (by 2012)

-Expansion of Police personnel to be concentrated outside of Java so that all Regional Police will eventually be commanded by two star officers.

-Responsibility to conduct surveillance and take action against operatives of the Extreme Right has been delegated to the Police to allow for the Regional Miitary Commands to focus on other internal and external matters. The Police may choose to ask for the Army’s assistance in conducting its responsibilities.

The Commander of ABRI issued an order that all four branches of ABRI are to make the necessary preparations for this new reorganization to take effect no later than March 2003. After March 2003 the focus will then shift to achieving the personnel expansion targets.

Lunch Break​

---
At their table, a very thirsty Commander of ABRI Wiranto, who had just spent the last few hours outlining the changes to ABRI’s organization, sat down next to Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar.

“I thought based on what was unveiled last night the Army asked to expand to 500,000”, said Wismoyo “Seems to me that it’s the Navy, Air Force, and the Police that’s expanded more.”

“They did, but then three chiefs of staff, the Chief of Police, and some of the other top officers had their own mini-conference into the wee hours of the morning”, said Wiranto, taking another sip of water “And they reported to me this morning and then I reported to the President just before the session started.”

“The President approved of it?” asked Wismoyo.

“He did”, replied Wiranto “It was always his goal that the officer corps agrees to and has some say in what he envisions for ABRI in order to avoid people in the officer corps saying that this was imposed on them.”

“That makes sense”, said Wismoyo before asking again “Whose idea was it to change the amount of the personnel expansion goals?”

“It’s his idea”, replied Wiranto nodding with his head in the direction of someone in the room.

Wismoyo followed the direction Wiranto nodded in and saw Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin shaking hands and chatting with officers from the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police alike.

“He asked for the Army’s personnel expansion to be reduced so that the Navy, Air Force, and Police’s can be increased”, explained Wiranto before chuckling “I suppose the original reorganization we proposed to the President still subconsciously favored the Army.”

“What a politician”, chuckled Wismoyo “But as President Soeharto’s brother-in-law and former aide-de-camp respectively, we’re not in a position to speak out against President Try’s former aide-de-camp making a political maneuver are we?”

“We sure can’t though it’s not like he’s someone totally unacceptable”, said Wiranto “Remember as well that if things turn out well for the President, it’s very likely that Tubagus will be the one to implement the things that we agree to in this National Leadership Meeting.”

---
For the “modest reorganization of 1999” please go to Threadmark 63

The reorganization is pretty much OTL TNI’s current organizational structure (A 3rd Kostrad Division, a 3rd Armada, a 3rd Air Force Operation Command) brought forward 2 decades earlier but with some modifications. One modification is the presence of the Police which unlike its OTL self is still part of ABRI. The other modification is that once the reorganization and troop expansion completed, there will be a lot of troop concentrations in and around Riau, the Malacca Straits, and close to the South China Sea as well as in and around Merauke and Kupang. In other words within proximity of the external security concerns identified in the last update.

The significance of 2012 is that this is when the 10-year moratorium on debt repayment which was obtained from the United States in exchange for support in the War of Terror comes to an end.
 
20th February 2002:

Minutes of the the 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting
Day 3:
Morning to Lunch Session:
Organizational Matters​

Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar and Commander of ABRI Wiranto Co-Chaired the sessions of the 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting today.

The Minister of Defense and Security in his address said that it was important for ABRI to have awareness of the strategic environment and what threats are around as Indonesia makes its progress because this will be reflected in the way ABRI will be organized and what weaponry it will seek to obtain. The speeches made by the Army Chief of Staff, Navy Chief of Staff, Air Force Chief of Staff, and the Chief of Police have all been approved by the President, are all in accordance with the President’s goals for ABRI, and accordingly will now form the basis of a reorganization of ABRI.

The Commander of ABRI in his speech said that the President has approved of a reorganization of ABRI. In July 1999, a modest reorganization was undertaken in keeping with the nation’s capacity at the time and the fact that the nation was still not out of the Asian Financial Crisis yet. Between that time and the present, a team comprising of members from the Department of Defense and Security’s Directorate General of Planning and Funding and ABRI Headquarters’ Office of the Assistant of Planning had worked on the reorganization the National Leadership Meeting was about to see.

The general considerations for the current reorganization of ABRI are as follows:
-The nation’s strategic goals as outlined by the President on the 1st Day of the 2002 ABRI Leadership meeting
-The present stage of Indonesia’s national development
-The present national economic capacity
-The need to improve military capability and capacity to address domestic and foreign threats alike
-The need to increase military capability and capacity to pursue the strategic goals outlined by the President and the lack of priority given to defense and security in the past three decades
-The need to begin catching up to the military capability and capacity of prominent nations in the region
-The need to modernize all four branches of ABRI

ABRI Headquarters:
-The Deputy Commander of ABRI’s position will be upgraded to a four star position.

Army:
Personnel as of 1st July 1999: 235,000
Target for Personnel Expansion set in 1999: 255,000
Personnel as of February 2002: 262,000 (to accommodate recruitment for the formation of Kostrad’s 3rd Division)
New Target of Personnel Expansion: 400,000 (by 2012)

Regional Military Commands:
-Regional Military Commands will form the backbone not only of the Army but also of ABRI, it will have the dual task of both ensuring internal security in its jurisdiction and repelling enemy attack into their jurisdiction.

-After the reorganization there will be 15 regional military commands (currently: 10 regional military commands plus 3 operation commands).

-The aim will be for all Regional Military Commands to have:
*One raider-qualified battalion per regional military command
*One cavalry battalion or at a minimum a cavalry company per regional military command
*One mechanized infantry battalion per regional military command

-The training budget for each Regional Military Command will be increased for both existing personnel and new recruits alike to increase each regional military command’s capacity

- The Kalimantan Regional Military Command will be split into the Western Kalimantan and Eastern Kalimantan Regional Military Commands. The Western Kalimantan Regional Military Command Headquartered in Pontianak, West Kalimantan. The Eastern Kalimantan Regional Military Command Headquartered in Balikpapan, East Kalimantan. Both commands to be commanded by a two star officer.

-The Sulawesi Regional Military Command will be split into the Northern and Southern Sulawesi Regional Military Commands. The Northern Sulawesi Regional Military Command to be headquartered in Manado. The Southern Sulawesi Regional Military Command to be headquartered in Ujung Pandang. Both commands to be commanded by a two star officer.

-The Aceh Operations Command will be upgraded to become the Aceh Regional Military Command, headquartered in Banda Aceh and commanded by a two star officer.

-The Maluku Operations Command will be upgraded to become the Maluku Regional Military Command, headquartered in Ambon and commanded by a two star officer.

-The East Timor Operations Command will be upgraded to become the East Timor Regional Military Command, headquartered in Dili and commanded by a two star officer.

Kostrad:
-Accelerate preparations for Kostrad’s 3rd Division so that the unit will be completed by 5th October 2002.

Kopassus:
No changes

Navy:
Personnel as of 1st July 1999: 43,000
Target for Personnel Expansion set in 1999: 50,000
Personnel as of February 2002: 49,500
New Target of Personnel Expansion: 140,000 (including 40,000 Marine Corps) (by 2012)

Armadas:
The current organization of armadas will be revamped and expanded with the following changes initiated:

-The Western Armada Command’s Headquarters will be moved from Jakarta to Medan, North Sumatra to better watch over the Malacca Straits. Its jurisdiction will remain the same (the waters surrounding and/or bordering Sumatra, Western Kalimantan, Western Java)

-The current Eastern Armada Command will be split into the Central Armada Command and the Eastern Armada Command.

-The Central Armada Command’s jurisdiction will be the waters surrounding and/or bordering Eastern Kalimantan, Eastern Java, Western Sulawesi, Bali, and West Nusa Tenggara. It will be headquartered in Surabaya, East Java.

-The new Eastern Armada Command will have jurisdiction over the waters surrounding and/or bordering Eastern Sulawesi, East Nusa Tenggara and East Timor, Maluku, and Irian Jaya. It will be headquartered in Sorong, Irian Jaya.

-All armada commands to be commanded by two star officers.

Naval Bases:
-The following are designated as Primary Naval Bases to be commanded by a 1 star officer:
*The Padang Primary Naval Base in Padang, West Sumatra
*The Sorong Primary Naval Base in Sorong, Irian Jaya
*The Merauke Primary Naval Base in Merauke, Irian Jaya

All up there will now be 14 Primary Naval Bases.

Primary Naval Bases under the Western Armada Command:
*Belawan, North Sumatra
*Padang, West Sumatra
*Tanjung Pinang, Riau
*Jakarta
*Pontianak, West Kalimantan

Primary Naval Bases under the Central Armada Command:
*Surabaya, East Java
*Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi
*Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara
*Tarakan, East Kalimantan
*Manado, North Sulawesi

Primary Naval Bases under the Eastern Armada Command:
*Ambon, Maluku
*Jayapura, Irian Jaya
*Merauke, Irian Jaya
*Sorong, Irian Jaya

-Each Primary Naval Base is in charge of a minimum of 3 Naval Bases.

The Military Sealift Command (Kolinlamil):
-The Kolinlamil will have additional Military Sealift Units headquartered in Medan, Ujung Pandang, and Merauke in addition to the existing ones in Jakarta and Surabaya.

Marine Corps:
-The target is the creation of another Marine Force in addition to the existing two Marine Forces. The Commander of the Marine Corps’ position to be a three star position upon achievement of this goal.

Air Force:
Personnel as of 1st July 1999: 21,000
Target for Personnel Expansion set in 1999: 25,000
Personnel as of February 2002: 27,400
New Target of Personnel Expansion: 60,000 (including 8,000 Air Force Special Forces) (by 2012)

Air Operation Commands:
-The structure of the Air Operation Commands are revamped and expanded to be as followed.

-The First Air Force Operation Command’s headquarters will be moved to Pekanbaru, Riau.

-The Second Air Force Operation Command will be split into the Second Air Force Operation Command and the Third Air Force Operation Command.

-The new Second Air Force Operation Command will be headquartered in Jakarta.

-The Third Air Force Operation Command will be headquartered in Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi.

-All Air Force Operation Commands will be commanded by two star officers.

The National Air Defense Command:
-No changes

The Air Force Special Forces:
-Expand to 8,000 personnel by 2012

Air Bases:
The following is now designated a Type A Air Base:
*Domber Air Base, Balikpapan, East Kalimantan

The following are now Type A Air Bases:

Type A Air Bases under the First Air Force Operation Command:
*Rusmin Nurjadin Air Base, Pekanbaru, Riau
*Ranai Air Base, Natuna, Riau
*Halim Perdanaksuma Air Base, Jakarta
*Supadio Air Base, Pontianak, West Kalimantan
*Atang Sendjaja Air Base, Bogor, West Java

Type A Air Bases under the Second Air Force Operation Command:
*Soerjadarma Air Base, Subang, West Java
*Abdulrachman Saleh Air Base, Malang, East Java
*Iswahjudi Air Base, Madiun, East Java
*Domber Air Base, Balikpapan, East Kalimantan
*Sultan Hasanuddin Air Base, South Sulawesi

Type A Air Bases under the Third Air Force Operation Command:
*Sam Ratulangi Air Base, Manado, North Sulawesi
*El Tari Air Base, Kupang, East Nusa Tenggara
*Silas Papare Air Base, Jayapura, Irian Jaya
*Johannes Abraham Dimara Air Base, Merauke, Irian Jaya

---
Pausing briefly after speaking about the Navy and the Air Force’s organization, Wiranto told the Navy and the Air Force not to be disheartened because there are no “Each Navy Armada will have etc. etc.” or “An Air Force Operation Command must have etc. etc.” the way the Army Regional Command must have at least one raider qualified battalion etc.

“At this moment the President is very aware that the underspending in defense is most acutely felt in the Navy and Air Force, right now there is no minimal that the Navy and the Air Force should be aiming for, instead the Navy and Air Force should just start expanding. There’s no time to lose. We need to start filling up our armadas with ships and our air bases with airplanes”, said Wiranto.

---
Police:
Personnel as of 1st July 1999: 180,000
Target for Personnel Expansion set in 1999: 260,000
Personnel as of February 2002: 240,000
New Target of Personnel Expansion: 400,000 (including 25,000 Mobile Brigade) (by 2012)

-Expansion of Police personnel to be concentrated outside of Java so that all Regional Police will eventually be commanded by two star officers.

-Responsibility to conduct surveillance and take action against operatives of the Extreme Right has been delegated to the Police to allow for the Regional Miitary Commands to focus on other internal and external matters. The Police may choose to ask for the Army’s assistance in conducting its responsibilities.

The Commander of ABRI issued an order that all four branches of ABRI are to make the necessary preparations for this new reorganization to take effect no later than March 2003. After March 2003 the focus will then shift to achieving the personnel expansion targets.

Lunch Break​

---
At their table, a very thirsty Commander of ABRI Wiranto, who had just spent the last few hours outlining the changes to ABRI’s organization, sat down next to Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar.

“I thought based on what was unveiled last night the Army asked to expand to 500,000”, said Wismoyo “Seems to me that it’s the Navy, Air Force, and the Police that’s expanded more.”

“They did, but then three chiefs of staff, the Chief of Police, and some of the other top officers had their own mini-conference into the wee hours of the morning”, said Wiranto, taking another sip of water “And they reported to me this morning and then I reported to the President just before the session started.”

“The President approved of it?” asked Wismoyo.

“He did”, replied Wiranto “It was always his goal that the officer corps agrees to and has some say in what he envisions for ABRI in order to avoid people in the officer corps saying that this was imposed on them.”

“That makes sense”, said Wismoyo before asking again “Whose idea was it to change the amount of the personnel expansion goals?”

“It’s his idea”, replied Wiranto nodding with his head in the direction of someone in the room.

Wismoyo followed the direction Wiranto nodded in and saw Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin shaking hands and chatting with officers from the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police alike.

“He asked for the Army’s personnel expansion to be reduced so that the Navy, Air Force, and Police’s can be increased”, explained Wiranto before chuckling “I suppose the original reorganization we proposed to the President still subconsciously favored the Army.”

“What a politician”, chuckled Wismoyo “But as President Soeharto’s brother-in-law and former aide-de-camp respectively, we’re not in a position to speak out against President Try’s former aide-de-camp making a political maneuver are we?”

“We sure can’t though it’s not like he’s someone totally unacceptable”, said Wiranto “Remember as well that if things turn out well for the President, it’s very likely that Tubagus will be the one to implement the things that we agree to in this National Leadership Meeting.”

---
For the “modest reorganization of 1999” please go to Threadmark 63

The reorganization is pretty much OTL TNI’s current organizational structure (A 3rd Kostrad Division, a 3rd Armada, a 3rd Air Force Operation Command) brought forward 2 decades earlier but with some modifications. One modification is the presence of the Police which unlike its OTL self is still part of ABRI. The other modification is that once the reorganization and troop expansion completed, there will be a lot of troop concentrations in and around Riau, the Malacca Straits, and close to the South China Sea as well as in and around Merauke and Kupang. In other words within proximity of the external security concerns identified in the last update.

The significance of 2012 is that this is when the 10-year moratorium on debt repayment which was obtained from the United States in exchange for support in the War of Terror comes to an end.
I like the fact this follows what the Armed forces actually planned before where they plan specifically for the navy and Air Force to spread their HQ for combatant commands around the country rather than focusin in Java like in IRL since now they have the money and political will to spread the armed forces more evenly on the context of Geographically. And also of course to have this already existing plans happen earlier then like what happen in IRL

I have a suggestion for equipment for the navy if you want to have a quick growth for the moment. In the couple of the post before I think there are some mentions of getting some of the retired Cold war era ships from US or Europe. What about for the navy purchasing those US or Europe Second hand Large Surface Combatants. While those are second hand ships, technically they should still have a lot of lifespan left since probably some were commisioned in the 80s or early 90s. Maybe say like navy replace the older 7 Ahmad Yani class with 2 Kidd class DDG for AAW-GP capability and 4 Spruance class (the ones that fitted with VLS) for GP-ASW capability and request a modify from US to fit both class with SPS-48G especially for the Kidd class to provide a better Radar for the Air Warfare capability. With this the navy would have up to 6 Destroyers. And maybe also purchase some odd number of frigates (probably 10 or 12) from Europe. Maybe Mix of Second hands like Bremen/Kortenaer or purchase new build ships like the Meko 200 class like the ones used by Turkey or Australia. And also maybe to sticking with the believe of "bebas aktif" maybe try sticking with what Habibie did in IRL and purchase second hand Parchim class from the Germans to increase the Corvette fleet. Most of the suggestion are for second hand ships but we could see this as an interim plan until the government have enough money to purchase the navy new build ships (either joint foreign or from domestic program) and for the navy to gain experience of operating such larger type ships like Destroyers and Frigates.
 
I like the fact this follows what the Armed forces actually planned before where they plan specifically for the navy and Air Force to spread their HQ for combatant commands around the country rather than focusin in Java like in IRL since now they have the money and political will to spread the armed forces more evenly on the context of Geographically. And also of course to have this already existing plans happen earlier then like what happen in IRL

I have a suggestion for equipment for the navy if you want to have a quick growth for the moment. In the couple of the post before I think there are some mentions of getting some of the retired Cold war era ships from US or Europe. What about for the navy purchasing those US or Europe Second hand Large Surface Combatants. While those are second hand ships, technically they should still have a lot of lifespan left since probably some were commisioned in the 80s or early 90s. Maybe say like navy replace the older 7 Ahmad Yani class with 2 Kidd class DDG for AAW-GP capability and 4 Spruance class (the ones that fitted with VLS) for GP-ASW capability and request a modify from US to fit both class with SPS-48G especially for the Kidd class to provide a better Radar for the Air Warfare capability. With this the navy would have up to 6 Destroyers. And maybe also purchase some odd number of frigates (probably 10 or 12) from Europe. Maybe Mix of Second hands like Bremen/Kortenaer or purchase new build ships like the Meko 200 class like the ones used by Turkey or Australia. And also maybe to sticking with the believe of "bebas aktif" maybe try sticking with what Habibie did in IRL and purchase second hand Parchim class from the Germans to increase the Corvette fleet. Most of the suggestion are for second hand ships but we could see this as an interim plan until the government have enough money to purchase the navy new build ships (either joint foreign or from domestic program) and for the navy to gain experience of operating such larger type ships like Destroyers and Frigates.
Let me check on Kidd Class. The Parchim class bought by Habibie OTL have all already arrived in Indonesia but very unlikely that there’ll be second batches.

On a random note, I wonder if anyone realizes this regarding the personnel expansion targets:
Army: 400,000
Navy: 140,000
Air Force: 60,000
Police: 400,000
Total: 1,000,000
 
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D185B4E6-1473-4E85-BA3D-257760BD7D0E.jpeg

Our president still looking good nowadays
 
On a random note, I wonder if anyone realizes this regarding the personnel expansion targets:
Army: 400,000
Navy: 140,000
Air Force: 60,000
Police: 400,000
Total: 1,000,000
Seeing the Navy number that is very oversize. While it is understandable for the scope of the operation. Yet I just thought that's still quite oversize, because if we look to another country that has a Navy with an almost similar challenge to us where they need to cover a large area of sea which is the JMSDF (more like almost the same as us since the Japanese Islands still smaller then us yet they have the same mission to us and in a way can be seen somewhat similar since they are an Archipelago) I don’t know how many personnel that they have in the early 2000s but in the current IRL they have 50.000ish personnel for their 150+ ships. Or even the Indian Navy where they have 60.000ish Personnel + 55.000 reserve but only own 150 ships at least. So to have a Navy with oversize personnel seems unnecessary and possibly could be a burden. So what about take a more modest number of 50.000 for the current number with the hope in the future it could grow to 60.000-70.000ish.
 
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161: The 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting Part III
20th February 2002:
Excerpt from “Called Back Into Service: My Term As Minister of Defense and Security”, a memoir by Wismoyo Arismunandar
"After the Commander of ABRI spent quite a bit of time outlining how ABRI was going to be reorganized, it was my turn to speak after lunch and my topic was weaponry. I told the Leadership Meeting something that they probably were already thinking about: 5 new regional military commands, 1 new armada, 1 new Air Force Operation Command, we need to start thinking about equipping these new units along with making up for our underspending in defense.

Back in late November 2001 when President Try gave instructions that weapons procurement could start again due to better than expected economic conditions, he told those of us present at the meeting that when he left his position as Commander of ABRI, he was disappointed he was not able to do much about upgrading ABRI’s weaponry and that this was something he wanted to make up for as president.

At that meeting we agreed on three principles of weapons procurement which I now outlined to the officers at the ABRI National Leadership Meeting.

-Weapons procurement must add to ABRI’s capability to fulfill its defense and security function and its capability to deal with internal and external threats. This is self-explanatory, ABRI must become stronger, not weaker, as a result of the weapons it procured.

-Weapons procurement must happen with speed. Considering the urgency for ABRI to increase its capability, how fast a weapon can be purchased and delivered should be a consideration when purchasing weapons. It’s reasonable if something like a submarine takes a while but not if everything else takes a long time.

-Weapons procurement process must happen efficiently and transparently. Once again considering the urgency for ABRI increase its capability, the procurement must happen efficiently and transparently. This means that the government must ensure that it is purchasing its weapons at a good value and the funds are used appropriately. When possible, weapons procurement should be conducted directly without the assistance of middlemen or brokers.

-Weapons procurement must be supported by and not come of the expense of the economy. The procurement of weapons will be subject to prevailing economic conditions. In times of good economic conditions and good economic performance, the national economy will have greater ability to support the purchasing of weapons. If not, then procurement must be cut so that it does not become a burden for the economy."

---
“Officers, it will be for you, at the conclusion of this Leadership Meeting, to identify what weapons ABRI will need and to convince the Commander of ABRI, to convince me, and of course the President that these are the weapons that need purchasing”, said Wismoyo.

Wismoyo looked around the room.

“But that’s for the future” he added “Now for the present…”

Very showmanlike and with a projector beaming a picture of what he talked about on the screen, Wismoyo began listing a series of weapons that the Department of Defense and Security had purchased since November 2001 after the President said that weapons procurement can continue due to good economic conditions. Wismoyo said the purchases has been made possible because of current economic levels of economic growth and the revenue the government has been able to collect, the strongest exchange rates since 1997, and the fact that there were purchases before the Asian Financial Crisis which only needed to be concluded.

The weapons are as follows:
-7 more BaE Hawk jets to be delivered by the end of the year. This completes the purchase of 40 Hawk Jets, 33 of which have been delivered since 1995.
-10 more Todak-Class fast patrol boats to be constructed by PT. PAL in addition to the 4 already in production.
-4 Sigma Missile Corvettes
-6 units of Casa C-212 MPA and 3 units of BO-105 maritime patrol aircrafts from PT. IPTN
-32 units of VAB armored personnel carriers. In addition to the 18 which have already arrived in Indonesia, this brings the total to 50 VAB purchased.
-150 units of APR-1 light personnel carriers from PT. Pindad.
---
Commander of ABRI Wiranto did not attend the session weaponry, instead he was accompanied by ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs Djamari Chaniago, and Leader of the ABRI in the DPR Fachrul Rozi. They met with President Try Sutrisno who was accompanied by Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Chairman of the PKPI/Leader of the PKPI in the DPR Basofi Sudirman, Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil, and Leader of the PPP in the DPR Zarkasih Nur.

In front of them, the President outlined his expectations regarding ABRI’s stance on the PKPI and the PPP:

*ABRI is not in coalition with the PKPI and the PPP but has an unavoidable working relationship with the two parties because ABRI has a presence in the DPR and the DPRDs.
*Said working relationship is to be based on cooperation in legislative issues on account of the President being the Supreme Commander of ABRI and on account of the PKPI and the PPP being the President’s supporters in the DPR.
*This working relationship will come to an end in the event of a new president taking office where at that point, ABRI will have a new president to uphold and new working relations with the political party or parties supporting the new president.
*ABRI’s stance during the 2002 Elections will be that of neutrality.

Silence descended on the room when the President was finished and then Wiranto, after giving it some careful thought, spoke up.

“Mr. President”, he began “ABRI will also be represented at the 2003 MPR General Session by delegates, what should our stance be at the MPR General Session?”

This was a Javanese way for saying “Should we be voting for you at the MPR General Session?” and all eyes in the room now turned to the President who seemed to be giving it some thought.

“At the 2003 MPR General Session, I will still be your constitutional Supreme Commander” said the President briefly but in a tone that left no illusions as to what he wanted

21st February 2002:
In the morning the President’s meeting was with Wiranto, ABRI Chief of General Staff Djaja Suparman, Djamari Chaniago, and Inspector General of ABRI Ryamizard Ryacudu. Ryamizard reported that the officers attending the ABRI National Leadership Meeting have agreed that military-affiliated businesses will be subject to both internal and external auditing but that they have requested two years to set their affairs in orders. Meaning that they want to clean up internally and shut down any possible illegal businesses affiliated to them. The President approved of it.

At lunchtime, in a short ceremony attended by all the officers who had attended the 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting, Wiranto presented the President with the results of the 2002 ABRI Leadership Meeting. The President congratulated Wiranto on the Leadership Meeting saying that the Commander of ABRI has brought to reality his goal of wanting to “Refine Dual Function”. With that the 2002 ABRI National Meeting was brought to a close.

As he shook hands with the participants, the President also chatted with Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin and Irian Jaya Regional Military Commander Amirul Isnaeni. Amirul reported that as of February, those under his command no longer accept or seek any funds for any purpose whatsoever from PT Freeport Indonesia. Amirul added that PT Freeport would need to stop offering “security money” to his subordinates because that was what they were still doing.

Once the participants of the ABRI National Leadership Meeting had left, the President met with Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Wismoyo Arismunandar, State Minister of National Security Soerjadi, Wiranto, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo, and Chief of the ABRI Intelligence Ian Santoso Perdanakusuma. The topic discussed was an unexpected piece of information whch the President found surprising: the idea that Indonesia should send troops to Afghanistan did not come from the McCain Administration but from Australia.

Ginandjar, Ari Sudewo, and Ian Santoso made reports to the President that this was something that they had heard in diplomatic and intelligence chatter in the last few months but which was only confirmed recently.

“Australia’s goal seems to be to get Indonesia to disperse its military personnel by having some of these personnel sent to Afghanistan”, summarized Ari Sudewo

Try considered the information.

“I have a hard time taking this information in”, said Try “Because I know they don’t want China to be too strong.”

“But they don’t want us to be too strong either, Mr. President”, said Wismoyo “Their Minister for Defense, Peter Reith is not so happy that we’re increasing our defense spending.”

“I’m pretty surprised at this development as well, I thought Prime Minister Costello wants to have good relations with us”, said Ginandjar.

“Evidently not good enough relations to reject his minister’s advice”, muttered Edi “The Air Force has this one correct, China’s our main security threat but focusing too much to the north means turning our back on Australia and who knows what else they’re planning.”

“Just to play devil’s advocate”, said Soerjadi “Australia’s pretty stretched thin, in addition to Afghanistan, they’re in the Solomon Islands and they’re in Africa on UN Peacekeeping mission, I think they’re worried that if anything happens in Oceania, we’ll be in a position to take advantage of it and they won’t be in a position to prevent it.”

Try thought about it for the moment.

“Let’s not reveal to them that we have knowledge that they were the ones really pushing for us to get involved in Afghanistan”, Try concluded “And as far as Oceania goes, there's probably something that they can see but we can't but we don’t have any interests there, they don’t have to be worried”, said Try.

---
The weapons listed by Wismoyo are weapons purchased/about to be purchased in and around the Asian Financial Crisis. In OTL delivery was never completed due to the effects of the Asian Financial Crisis and the weapons embargo after the East Timor Referendum in 1999. There were two missile corvettes purchased OTL but in ITTL it became 4 to reflect the stronger economic position of Indonesia. The purchase of the Todak-class patrol boats and the APR are fictional.

Source on 40 BAE Hawks: https://books.google.co.id/books?id...page&q=bae hawk 209 indonesia ordered&f=false

List of weapons in procurement process in and around the Asian Financial Crisis can be found in:
https://www.bappenas.go.id/index.php/download_file/view/9697/1793/.

As well as this book by Singapore defense analyst Leonard C. Sebastian pp.245-247 (Note the list includes weapons considered not just the ones actually purchased that’s why not all were listed by Wismoyo)
 
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Our president still looking good nowadays
Always great to see Mrs. Try as well both are people who look a lot younger than they are. It boggles the mind sometimes to realize that Try is only 14 years younger than Soeharto but when he was Vice President he easily looked 20-25 years younger.

And I'll take it as a compliment @deepoceanblue that when you look at OTL Try, what comes to mind is the Indonesian President that took Indonesia out of the Asian Financial Crisis in an alternate universe rather than a vice president so underutilized they called him the ban serep.

Seeing the Navy number that is very oversize. While it is understandable for the scope of the operation. Yet I just thought that's still quite oversize, because if we look to another country that has a Navy with an almost similar challenge to us where they need to cover a large area of sea which is the JMSDF (more like almost the same as us since the Japanese Islands still smaller then us yet they have the same mission to us and in a way can be seen somewhat similar since they are an Archipelago) I don’t know how many personnel that they have in the early 2000s but in the current IRL they have 50.000ish personnel for their 150+ ships. Or even the Indian Navy where they have 60.000ish Personnel + 55.000 reserve but only own 150 ships at least. So to have a Navy with oversize personnel seems unnecessary and possibly could be a burden. So what about take a more modest number of 50.000 for the current number with the hope in the future it could grow to 60.000-70.000ish.
Remember the Navy also consists of 40,000 Marine Corps so in effect it is 100,000. I'll keep a note of this post and will modify as neccessary
 
Always great to see Mrs. Try as well both are people who look a lot younger than they are. It boggles the mind sometimes to realize that Try is only 14 years younger than Soeharto but when he was Vice President he easily looked 20-25 years younger.

And I'll take it as a compliment @deepoceanblue that when you look at OTL Try, what comes to mind is the Indonesian President that took Indonesia out of the Asian Financial Crisis in an alternate universe rather than a vice president so underutilized they called him the ban serep.


Remember the Navy also consists of 40,000 Marine Corps so in effect it is 100,000. I'll keep a note of this post and will modify as neccessary
Owh yeah almost forgot the Marine Corps. I kinda face palm a bit that I overlooked them since I focused more on the Navy personnel wkwkw.
Tbh after reading this story for like what 2 years I really like this story. Because while it is an alternate history, it’s just really a big what if for Indonesia if went through the Financial Crisis successfully. And while there is still conflict it has a strong positive growth and possibly on foreign affairs would be seen as one of the regional powers in Asia. Literally all this a big what if for Indonesia (maybe it exist in another world) and I to be honest impressed for the writer making all this. Both this and Emerald Equator I would see it as a quite high quality story (about Indonesia in particular).
 
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-4 Sigma Missile Corvettes

There were two missile corvettes purchased OTL but in ITTL it became 4 to reflect the stronger economic position of Indonesia.
I looked up how much these corvettes cost: found an initial offer of 4 Sigma Corvettes to Romania near 2016 for 1.6 Billion USD.

Regardless of times and places, its an interesting detail about the strong position of indonesian economy.
 
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I looked up how much these corvettes cost: found an initial offer of 4 Sigma Corvettes to Romania near 2016 for 1.6 Billion USD.

Regardless of times and places, its an interesting detail about the strong position of indonesian economy.
I gave myself an out by saying that it was either a purchase or a completed purchase ie. they completed the payment installations😀.

Tbh after reading this story for like what 2 years I really like this story. Because while it is an alternate history, it’s just really a big what if for Indonesia if went through the Financial Crisis successfully. And while there is still conflict it has a strong positive growth and possibly on foreign affairs would be seen as one of the regional powers in Asia. Literally all this a big what if for Indonesia (maybe it exist in another world) and I to be honest impressed for the writer making all this. Both this and Emerald Equator I would see it as a quite high quality story (about Indonesia in particular).
This TL was originally about what if Try became president but in the process, there were a lot of other what ifs that emerged as well

-What if Indonesia made it through the Asian Financial Crisis?

-What if Tutut became the Chairwoman of Golkar (as she was speculated to become OTL until her father fell from power)?

-How would international affairs, or at the very least SE Asia look, with a stronger Indonesia thrown in?

-What if the “Post-1945 Generation” of officers got a chance to lead indonesia (Try, Edi, Harsudiono, Soeyono, Wismoyo etc.)? This one I was already very interested in long before I had even thought of this TL.

-What if Indonesia took a more decisive stance on the War on Terror?

-What if Indonesia went after the Extreme Right?

And so on...

I’ve been at this for nearly 4 years (!) and have enjoyed it. I keep coming back to it purely because it’s a good place to escape to (Even my wife doesn’t know about it. Fromoccasional peeks, she thinks I’m writing a diary but can’t figure out why the year is set to 2001🤣).

I feel guilty I never have the time to sit down and read Emerald of the Equator properly. I’ve only read bits and pieces of it. I know enough that Try still gets his hands bloody in that TL though at Cengkareng rather than at Tanjung Priok. I very distinctly remember and love the fact that that Indonesia is big enough in Emerald of the Equator to have state-owned enterprises for coal (Pertambara) and rubber (Perkanas).

Nevertheless I think we’ve done well as far as attracting people to read our TLs. Either people are interested in Indonesian TLs by Indonesians or there’s more Indonesians than we think on the forum.

PS: I had another TL idea in addition to this one which involved Ahmad Yani, Parman, Soeprapto, MT Harjono, Sutoyo, and Panjaitan surviving the 30th September Movement Coup and then taking over the country which anyone is welcome to try their hand at.

The remnants of that idea can be found here:

 
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