(Pro-Russian demonstration in Belgrade during visit of President Fyodorov)
NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia caused an uproar in Russia, as hundreds of thousands of people took part in anti-Western and anti-American protests against the bombing of the Serbs by the West - a nation so historically and culturally close to the Russians and Russia. Western actions against Yugoslavia also provoked very negative reactions from President Fyodorov and the Russian government, but a difference of opinion on how Russia should react led to a conflict between President Fyodorov and Prime Minister Nemtsov. On the one hand President Fyodorov wanted to aid Yugoslavia immediately, regardless of reaction of NATO, on the other hand Prime Minister Nemtsov and his advisers argued for diplomatic negotiations with the West, without making any official commitments to Yugoslavia. Nemtsov's stance was unacceptable for Fyodorov and the leadership of the United Labor Party. Nemtsov's stance was completely ignored by President Fyodorov, who ordered Foreign Minister Primakov to publicly denounce bombing of Yugoslavia on the United Nations Forum. Russia's stance was supported by many countries, including China, which embassy in Belgrade was bombed by the United States.
The bombing of the embassy in Belgrade caused a dramatic rise in tension between China and the United States. An official statement on Chinese television denounced what it called a "barbaric attack and a gross violation of Chinese sovereignty". China's ambassador to the UN described what he called "NATO's barbarian act" as "a gross violation of the United Nations charter, international law and the norms governing international relations" and "a violation of the Geneva convention". On May 12, 1999, the Legislative Council of Hong Kong passed the "Condemnation of NATO" motion by a rare bipartisan vote of 54-0. Large demonstrations erupted at consular offices of the United States and other NATO countries in China in reaction to news of the bombing. On May 9, 1999, then-Vice President Hu Jintao delivered a national televised speech calling the act both "criminal" and "barbaric" and that it "has greatly infuriated the Chinese people." He said the unauthorized demonstrations in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chengdu and Shenyang reflected the anger and patriotism of the Chinese people, and which the Chinese government fully supported, but urged against extreme and illegal conduct.
On May 12, 1999, in his first public statement since the embassy bombing, Premier of China Zhu Rongji called NATO 'hypocrites' and stated that the "idea of safeguarding human rights and democracy, as well as opposing ethnic cleansing which they [NATO] are chanting loudly, is only a fig leaf." He also called on the United States and NATO "to make an open and official apology to the Chinese government and the Chinese people." The protests continued for several days, during which tens of thousands of rock-throwing protesters kept U.S. Ambassador James Sasser and other staff trapped in the Beijing embassy. The residence of the U.S. Consul in Chengdu was damaged by fire and protestors tried to burn the consulate in Guangzhou. There were no reported injuries. President Clinton's apologies and those of the U.S. State Department were not initially broadcast by Chinese state-run media outlets. The demonstrations continued for four days before the Chinese government called a halt, eventually broadcasting President Clinton's apology on television and ordering the police to restrain the demonstrators. For a week, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Jiang Zemin declined phone calls from President Bill Clinton, eventually accepting a 30-minute apology call on May 14, in which Clinton expressed "regret" over the incident. Jiang had chosen to leave U.S.-China leadership communications channels unused as he waited for the Politburo Standing Committee to reach a consensus. The time it took for the Politburo to gather necessary information and reach a decision about China's responses motivated the Party leadership to revisit a proposal to establish a centralized National Security Commission, although this was ultimately not implemented at the time.
(Russian troops arriving to Kosovo)
As a result of NATO's bombing, Russia decided to aid Yugoslavia militarily through sending military equipment, including anti-missile systems, advisors and volunteers. NATO was caught by surprise by Russia's very firm and confrontational stance. While other countries protested diplomatically, Russia has assumed the role of Yugoslavia's protector. While the West bombed Yugoslav positions in Kosovo and tried to pressure Bulgaria to close its airspace for Russian planes full of military equipment heading to Yugoslavia, President Fyodorov arrived in Belgrade, where he was greeted by a half a million people. During his speech, President Fyodorov assured the Serbs of Russia's support and friendship, furthermore Fyodorov stated that if NATO's unlawful bombardment of Yugoslavia continues, Russia will respond militarily.
President Fyodorov's historic speech in Belgrade spooked Western leaders, who feared a potential war between NATO and Russia over Yugoslavia. Under pressure, President Clinton called off bombing of Yugoslavia and reached directly to President Fyodorov with an offer of negotiations, which were held in Paris. After a set of negotiations, a following compromise over Kosovo was reached:
- Kosovo would remain in Yugoslavia and become an autonomous province;
- All Yugoslav troops will leave Kosovo;
- NATO and Russian troops would enter Kosovo to secure the peace;
- Albanian refugees would be allowed to return to their homes;
- the United Nations would oversee implementation of the reached compromise.
In the meantime, citizens of Russia and Belarus have chosen a flag for the Union State, which was largely based on the flag of the Russian Federation, indicating their support for the political shape of the newly established state. The transition period between January, when the new state became a reality, and the first presidential elections, which were to be held in April, was a very busy time for President Fyodorov and the government of Boris Nemtsov, who worked day and night to ensure a smooth transition. President Fyodorov decided to shorten his term, because he felt that he had fulfilled his mission, and it was time for politicians with new and fresh ideas to take over. In one of the last interviews as the President, Svyatoslav Fyodorov stated that:
“Russia should enter the new millennium with new politicians, new faces, new people, who are intelligent, strong and energetic, while we, those who have been in power for many years, must leave.” Fyodorov's presidency was received positively by the Russian population and most of the political establishment, though there were some who resented him for contributing to the collapse of the USSR, leading to a situation where Russia suddenly went from being a superpower to merely a regional power. Nevertheless, Fyodoro'v economic, political and social achievments were undeniable to anyone at home and abroad. Abroad, Fyodorov was perceived as a statesman, who brought Russia back to the world after decades of isolation, and ensured that democracy, capitalism and the civic society became a part of Russia.
(Alexander Lukashenko - new President of the Union State)
The First Presidential elections in the Union State were held in April 1999. The 3 main candidates for the Presidential post were: Alexander Lukashenko (President of Belarus/supported by Union Labor Party and Agrarian Party), Boris Nemtsov (Prime Minister of Russia/supported by Union of Right Forces) and Garry Kasparov (chess grandmaster and World Champion/supported by Yabloko and Communist Party). Initially, all three candidates had an even chance of winning the first round of presidential elections, until the NATO's bombardment of Yugoslavia took place. NATO's action caused a sharp rise in anti-Western and anti-American sentiment in the Russian population, which put pro-Western candidates like Nemtsov and Kasparov in the disadvantage against Lukashenko, who used this for his advantage. Nemtsov's indecisiveness in relation to western actions against Yugoslavia, and Kasparov's interviews, where Kasparov advocated for the Western world to destroy the Yugoslav People's Army and accused Slobodan Milošević of creating a "siege mentality" to maintain control over Serbia, gave a large lead in the polls in Lukashenko's favour, which ultimately led to his victory in the presidential election.
Presidential elections results:
I round:
Lukashenko: 40,06%
Nemtsov: 30,09%
Kasparov: 20,12%
Zhirinovsky: 7,23%
Other candidates/invalid votes: 2,5%
II Round:
Lukashenko: 60,31%
Nemtsov: 39,69%
Newly elected President, Lukashenko, has decided to dismiss Boris Nemtsov from the post of Prime Minister, citing his indecisiveness during the NATO attack on Yugoslavia as the main reason. In his place was appointed the former Prime Minister, Anatoly Sobchak, who headed a minority government for three months, until the parliamentary elections took place in Russia. Legislative elections took place in July 1999, and were won by the United Labor Party, mainly due to still strong anti-Western sentiment among the Russian population.
Legislative elections results:
United Labor Party/Agrarian Party bloc: 41,56%
Union of Right Forces: 25,62%
Communist Party: 13.34%
Yabloko: 10,05%
Liberal Democratic Party: 7,11%
Other parties/invalid votes: 2,32%
(Elvira Nabiullina - new Prime Minister of the Union State and the future "Iron Lady")
After winning the election by the United Labor Party/Agrarian Party electoral bloc, almost everyone expected that Anatoly Sobchak would continue his tenure as a prime minister. Nevertheless, President Lukashenko, much to the suprise of everyone decided to appoint
Elvira Nabiullina as the new prime minister of the Union State. Nabiullina was born in Ufa, Bashkir ASSR, on 29 October 1963 into an ethnic Tatar family. Her father, Sakhipzada Saitzadayevich, was a driver, while her mother, Zuleikha Khamatnurovna, was a factory manager. Nabiullina graduated from school No. 31 of Ufa, followed by the Moscow State University Faculty of Economics in 1986. Between 1991 and 1994, Nabiullina worked at the USSR Science and Industry Union and its successor, the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs. In 1994, she moved to the Ministry for Economic Development and Trade, where she rose to the level of deputy minister by 1997; she left the ministry in 1998. She spent the next two years with Sberbank as its chief executive, where she became known as an excellent manager and economist. Lukashenko met Nabullina in 1998 in Moscow during one of Eurasian economic forums, and was quickly fascinated by her ideas and concepts for the further development of Russia in the 21st century. The second reason why Lukashenko decided on Nabiullina's candidacy was the lack of threat to Lukashenko, who was not part of the Russian political elite but was an outsider from Belarus. By re-electing Sobchak, Lukashenko could become his political hostage, given Sobchak's influence and position on the Russian political scene, which is why Lukashenko's main task was to eliminate Sobchak from political life as quickly as possible.
Lukashenko was helped to eliminate Sobchak by Vladimir Putin and Boris Gromov, who wanted to strengthen their positions at the expense of Sobchak and his oligarch faction. For helping to get rid of Sobchak, Putin, as head of the FSB, received almost complete independence in action, while Boris Gromov was appointed as the new Minister of Defense, and more funds from the state budget were to be allocated to the development and modernization of the Russian Armed Forces. Yabloko of the former prime minister Grigory Yavlinsky, became a new coalition partner in the government of Elvira Nabiullina, with him being appointed as First Deputy Prime Minister for Finance, Economy and National Projects. However, Yavlinsky only agreed to become a member of the new government coalition after his following demands were met:
- all the reforms made by Nemtsov were to remain;
- Russia would continue to pursue a moderate economic policy;
- diversification of the economy:
- Russia would reduce its nuclear arsenal;
- a referendum on death penalty would be held;
- increased support for small and medium-sized businesses;
- council of citizen rights would be established.
(After 3 years of absence, Grigory Yavlinsky returns to the government in a new role)
As a result of the elections, a number of changes took place in the Russian government, which included:
Elvira Nabiullina – Prime Minister;
Grigory Yavlinsky - First Deputy Prime Minister for Finance, Economy and National Projects;
Yevgeny Primakov - Deputy Prime Minister for Eurasian Integration, cooperation with the CIS, G8 and International Events;
Dmitry Medvedev - Deputy Prime Minister and Chief of Staff of the Government;
Viktor Khristenko – Minister of Industry;
Herman Gref – Minister of Economic Development and Trade;
Boris Fyodorov – Minister of Finance;
Sergey Lavrov - Minister of Foreign Affairs;
Boris Gromov – Minister of Defence;
Sergei Shoigu – Minister of Internal Affairs.
Just as Igor Ivanov was chosen as the new Chairman of the United Labor Party, the newly elected President Lukashenko and Prime Minister Nabiullina announced their technocratic programme, which was aimed at modernising Russia's economy and society, decreasing the country's dependency on oil and gas revenues and creating a diversified economy based on high technology and innovation. The programme was based on the top 5 priorities for the country's technological development: efficient energy use; nuclear technology; information technology; medical technology and pharmaceuticals; and space technology in combination with telecommunications. Furthermore, President Lukashenko promised to focus on development of Russia's countryside and rural areas, increased industrial output, expansion of agricultural sector and modernization of the Russian Armed Forces. Zapad-99 exercise was a large scale military exercise conducted in June 1999 and its results forced Russia to adapt a new defense concept (Russia's National Security Concept 2000). The exercise showed that conventional Russian armed forces could not repel a NATO offensive, this in turn increased the tolerance for use of tactical nuclear weapons. Apart from nuclear controversy, Zapad-99 also sparked international tensions when US fighters intercepted Russian bombers allegedly in violation of Icelandic and Norwegian airspace.
(Victims of the parliament shooting in Armenia)
The 1999 Armenian parliament shooting, commonly known in Armenia as October 27, was a terrorist attack on the Armenian National Assembly in the capital of Yerevan on 27 October 1999 by a group of five armed men led by Nairi Hunanyan that, among others, killed the two de facto decision-makers in the country's political leadership—Prime Minister Vazgen Sargsyan and Parliament Speaker Karen Demirchyan. Their reform-minded coalition had won a majority in a parliamentary election held in May of that year and had practically sidelined President Robert Kocharyan from the political scene. The shooting led to significant changes in the country's political landscape. It remains a subject of numerous conspiracy theories, mostly involving President Kocharyan, whose tenure thereafter was frequently criticized as authoritarian. Sargsyan and Demirchyan were posthumously honored with National Hero of Armenia titles. On 27 October 1999, at around 5:15 p.m., five men led by journalist Nairi Hunanyan, armed with Kalashnikov AK-47 rifles hidden under long coats, broke into the National Assembly Building in Yerevan, while the government was holding a question-and-answer session. They shot dead eight people:
Vazgen Sargsyan, Prime Minister
Karen Demirchyan, National Assembly Speaker
Yuri Bakhshyan, Deputy National Assembly Speaker
Ruben Miroyan, Deputy National Assembly Speaker
Leonard Petrosyan, Minister of Urgent Affairs
Henrik Abrahamyan, Member of Parliament
Armenak Armenakyan, Member of Parliament
Mikayel Kotanyan, Member of Parliament
The gunmen injured at least 30 people in the parliament. Hunanyan was accompanied by his brother Karen, uncle Vram, and two others. The group claimed they were carrying out a coup d'état, describing their act as "patriotic" and "needed for the nation to regain its senses." They said they wanted to "punish the authorities for what they do to the nation" and described the government as profiteers "drinking the blood of the people." They claimed Armenia was in a "catastrophic situation" and that "corrupt officials" were not doing anything to provide the way out. Vazgen Sargsyan was the main target of the group and the other deaths were said to be unintended. According to reporters who witnessed the shooting, the men went up to Sargsyan and said, "Enough of drinking our blood," to which Sargsyan calmly responded, "Everything is being done for you and the future of your children." Sargsyan was hit several times. Hunanyan claimed that the eight deaths and dozens of injuries in the attack were all "innocent victims" except for the case of Sargsyan, who he said had "failed the nation". Anna Israelyan, a journalist who witnessed the incident, stated that "the first shots were fired directly at Vazgen Sargsyan at a distance of one to two meters" and, in her words, "it was impossible that he would have survived." Gagik Saratikyan, a cameraman, was the first person from outside to be allowed to go into the building while the men were in control of it. Saratikyan recorded the dead bodies of Sargsyan and Demirchyan. Sargsyan's body was taken out of the parliament building on the evening of 27 October.
Soon after the attack, hundreds of policemen and military personnel and two armored personnel carriers were brought into Yerevan, positioned on Baghramyan Avenue surrounding the National Assembly building. Meanwhile, ambulances rushed to the site of the shooting. President Robert Kocharyan was directing the operation of the security forces around the parliament building. While holding around 50 hostages inside the building, the men demanded a helicopter and airtime on national television for a political statement. President Kocharyan gave a speech on television announcing that the situation was under control. His spokesman was quick to characterize the men as "individual terrorists" and assured that "it's only the parliament building and a very small group." After overnight negotiations with President Kocharyan, the gunmen released the hostages and gave themselves up on the morning of 28 October after a standoff that lasted 17–18 hours. Kocharyan had guaranteed the personal security of the gunmen and the right to a free trial. In the meantime, the Armenian armed forces blocked the roads leading to Yerevan for security reasons. On 28 October 1999, President Kocharyan declared a three-day mourning period. The state funeral ceremony for the victims of the parliament shooting took place from 30 October to 31 October 1999. The bodies of the victims, including Sargsyan, were placed inside the Yerevan Opera Theater. Karekin II, the Catholicos of All Armenians, and Aram I, the Catholicos of the Holy See of Cilicia, gave prayers.
(Petro Symonenko - new pro-Russian
president of Ukraine)
Presidential elections were held in Ukraine on 31 October 1999, with a second round on 14 November. The result was a victory for Petro Symonenko, who defeated Viktor Yushchenko in the run-off. At the time of election the population in Ukraine was 50,105,600 with 34,017,400 living in cities. The Donetsk Oblast, the most populous oblast, contained the most electoral districts, with 23. The least electoral districts among oblasts were in the Chernivtsi Oblast, which only had 4. The city of Kyiv had 12 electoral districts and Sevastopol - 2. There also was a special out-of-country district available for voters who at the moment of elections were not available to vote in Ukraine. There were 32 individuals who submitted their documents for registration as pretenders on candidate to the President of Ukraine. Out of them 19 pretenders were registered with the Central Election Commission of Ukraine to run for presidential elections, the rest 13 were denied in registration. In the first round the most oblasts and the out-of-country district were won by Petro Symonenko. In seven oblasts the top candidate was Viktor Yushchenko mostly in the west and centre. Oleksandr Moroz managed to become the leader in the more agrarian oriented Poltava and Vinnytsia Oblasts. Nataliya Vitrenko took the peak of the candidate list in the Sumy Oblast. The newly elected President announced close cooperation of Ukraine with Russia and entry of Ukraine into the CSTO.
(The handover of Macau from Portugal to China)
The handover of Macau from the Portuguese Republic to the People's Republic of China was at midnight on 20 December 1999. This event ended 442 years of Portuguese rule in the former settlement, which began in 1557. Macau was settled by Portuguese merchants in 1557, during the Ming dynasty and was subsequently under various degrees of Portuguese rule until 1999. Portugal's involvement in the region was formally recognised by the Qing dynasty in 1749. The Portuguese governor João Maria Ferreira do Amaral, emboldened by the First Opium War and the Treaty of Nanking, attempted to annex the territory, expelling Qing authorities in 1846, but was assassinated. After the Second Opium War, the Portuguese government, along with a British representative, signed the 1887 Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Peking that gave Portugal perpetual colonial rights to Macau on the condition that Portugal would cooperate in efforts to end the smuggling of opium. After the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, and the transfer of China's seat to the People's Republic of China at the United Nations in 1971, then Foreign Minister Huang Hua appealed to the UN Special Committee on Decolonization to remove Macau (and Hong Kong) from its list of colonies, preferring bilateral negotiations ending in a return of the territory, rather than the independence of the territory as was implied by its inclusion on the list. On 25 April 1974, a group of left-wing Portuguese officers organized a coup d'état in Lisbon, overthrowing the right-wing dictatorship that had controlled Portugal for 48 years. The new government began to transition Portugal to a democratic system and was committed to decolonization. The government carried out decolonization policies, and proposed Macau's handover to China in 1978. The Chinese government rejected this proposal, believing that an early handover of Macau would impact relations with Hong Kong.
On 31 December 1975, the Portuguese government withdrew its remaining troops from Macau. On 8 February 1979, the Portuguese government decided to break off diplomatic relations with the Republic of China, and established diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China the next day. Both Portugal and the People's Republic of China recognized Macau as Chinese territory. The colony remained under Portuguese rule until 20 December 1999, when its handover to China took place and became the Macau Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. This marked the end of nearly 600 years of the European colonial era. On 20 May 1986, the People's Republic of China, along with Portugal, officially announced that talks on Macanese affairs would take place in Beijing on 30 June 1986. The Portuguese delegation arrived in Beijing in June, and was welcomed by the Chinese delegation led by Zhou Nan. The talks consisted of four sessions, all held in Beijing:
The first conference: 30 June – 1 July 1986
The second conference: 9–10 September 1986
The third conference: 21–22 October 1986
The fourth conference: 18–23 March 1987
During the negotiations, Portuguese representatives offered to return Macau in 1987, but Chinese representatives rejected that year (as well rejecting previous requests for 1967, 1975, and 1977). China requested 1997, the same year as Hong Kong, but Portugal refused. 2004 was suggested by Portugal, as well as 2007 as that year would mark the 450th anniversary of Portugal renting Macau. However, China insisted for a year before 2000 as the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group in Hong Kong would be dissolved in 2000 as envisioned in 1986 (the Joint Liaison Group would ultimately be dissolved in 1999).Eventually the year 1999 was agreed upon. On 13 April 1987, the Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration by the governments of the People's Republic of China and the Portuguese Republic was formally signed by thePrime Ministers of both governments in Beijing. The twelve years between the signing of the "Sino-Portuguese Declaration" on 13 April 1987 and the handover on 20 December 1999 were known as "the transition".
On 15 January 1988, the Chinese Foreign Affairs Department announced the Chinese members of the groups that would begin the talk on the issues of Macau during the transition. On 13 April, the "Draft of the Basic Law of the Macau Special Administrative Region Committee" was established during the seventh National People's Congress, and on 25 October, the committee convened the first conference, in which they passed the general outline of the draft and the steps, and decided to organise the "Draft of the Basic Law of Macau Special Administrative Region Information Committee". On 31 March 1993, the National People's Congress passed the resolution on the Basic Law of Macau, which marked the beginning of the latter part of the transition. In the afternoon of 19 December 1999, the 127th Portuguese Governor of Macau Vasco Joaquim Rocha Vieira lowered the flags in Macau, which was the prelude of the ceremony for the establishment of the Macau Special Administrative Region. The official handover was held at midnight on that day at the Cultural Centre of Macau Garden. The ceremony began in the evening and ended at dawn of 20 December.
The evening of 19 December began with dragon and lion dances. These were followed by a slideshow of historical events and features of Macau, which included a mixture of the religions and races of the East and the West, and the unique society of native Portuguese born in Macau. In the final performance, 442 children who represented the 442 years of Portuguese history in Macau were presented along with several international stars to perform the song "Praise for Peace". After the handover of Macau to China, the Macau Special Administrative Region, the Legislative Assembly and the Judiciary were all put into practice accordingly under the regulation of the Basic Law. The introduction of the Individual Visit Scheme policy made it easier for Chinese mainland residents to travel back and forth. In 2005 alone, there were more than 10 million tourists from mainland China, which made up 60% of the total number of tourists in Macau. The income from the gambling houses in Macau reached almost US$5.6 billion. On 15 July 2005, the Historic Centre of Macau was listed as a World Cultural Heritage site. The increasing development of tourism became a major factor in the rapid development of the economy of Macau. For Portugal, the handover of Macau to China marked the end of the Portuguese Empire and its decolonisation process and also the end of European imperialism in China and Asia.
(During Lukashenko's tenure interest in the Imperial past will skyrocket in Russia, especially among young population)
In the meantime, President Lukashenko from the start of his tenure, began in his policy to form a new Russian nationalism and Pan-Slavism, with roots in the times of the Russian Empire, however, according to Lukashenko, both concepts should be a very important element of Russia's internal and external policy in the 21th century. Lukashenko defined the new Russian (left-wing) nationalism:
Russian nationalism is a nationalism that seeks to promote, revive and develop Russian culture within Russian state and abroad, but it does not seek to impose it upon other groups as by the nature of being left wing nationalism Russian nationalism is inclusive and cooperative. It acknowledges right of other Cultures in Union State of Russia and Belarus to exist and express their national lives but it also demands cohesion of different nationalities within Union state with Russian nationality at its core. This cohesion is expressed through civic identity of all citizens of Union State and respect of rule of law as well as democratic values with Russian characteristics.
Every citizen of Union State is expected to respect the state, it's institutions and its laws as well as respect of the state symbols.
Beides national character of Russian and Belarusian Union State Russian nationalism expands well beyond Russian borders to Russian diaspora bound together through common tounge and shared faith in Russian Ortodox Church as well as shared Russian heritage, this is manifested in forgein policy of Union State to protect the rights of Russian speakers and Russians in other states, it's ties to Russian Ortodox Church etc. But besides of the Russian character of Russian nationalism it also acknowledges and expands itself into the nationalities that had a shared history with Russian nation and it seeks to foster brotherly/sisterly bonds with those nations (former Russian Empire, USSR, members of EEU /CIS).
Another characteristic of Russian nationalism is the acknowledgment of existence of socialist state due to its Communist past. Opposed to Communist doctrine of struggle between classes Russian nationalism embraces and acknowledges existence of different classes as a reality of human development, but it also seeks to ensure equality for all through socialist policies and democratic values and encourages harmony and cohesion between the classes.
Democratic values with Russian characteristics are also a part of Russian nationalism, they call for establishment of democratic society and building of democratic path for Russian state, but they do not seek to impose democratic values on other nations, instead one of the characteristics of Russian democracy is it's national character that acknowledges right of every nation to decide it's system of governance as well as to chart it's own path to democracy.
And the new Panslavism:
Panslavism is defined through encouragment of good relations and cultural exchange between Slavic nations as well as Promotion of Slavic culture through the World. It calls for establishment of common platforms for official cooperation between Slavic state's.
Within Slavic World itself Russia acknowledges divide between Slavs based on religious identity and it sees itself as historic protector and backer of all Ortodox Slavs and it seeks to form closer relations with these state's in fields of economic, military and technological cooperation.
But that's not to say that Russia will backtrack on non Ortodox slavs, on countrary other Slavic groups are welcome to engage with Russia and participate in cultural exchanges with Russia as well as establish friendly cultural and economic ties. It's just that Russia acknowledges the divide within Slavic World and current differences in historic view of these Slavic groups as well as their current orientations and is acting accordingly.
The largest enlargement of the European Union (EU), in terms of number of states and population, took place on 1 April 2000. The simultaneous accessions concerned the following countries (sometimes referred to as the "A10" countries): Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Seven of these were part of the former Eastern Bloc (of which three were from the former Soviet Union and four were and still are member states of the Central European alliance Visegrád Group). Slovenia was a non-aligned country prior to the independence, and it was one of the former republics of Yugoslavia (together sometimes referred to as the "A8" countries), and the remaining two were Mediterranean island countries, both member states of Commonwealth of Nations.
(Former President Fyodorov enjoying his well-deserved retirement from politics)